Kratochvíl 2007: 493; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 119, 196. Meaning glossed as 'to be all, altogether'. All the examples found in [Kratochvíl 2007] demonstrate the meaning 'omnis', not 'totus'. Morphologically, not entirely clear; should probably be analyzed as ta=fu-d-a with the fossilized pronominal distributive prefix ta- and, possibly, the auxiliary verb d-a.
Cf. also lokˈu 'non singular marker of individuated referents' ([Kratochvíl 2007: 474]ː [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 79]).
Baird 2008: 40. Meaning 'omnis'; attested in the only example "we make firewood from all (onon) the small branches" [Baird 2008: 40], not quoted in the glossary section of [Baird 2008].
A second candidate is iʔal ~ al 'all (Indonesian: semua)' [Baird 2008: 204]. But the available examples at, this field is for all (al) of us to play on" [Baird 2008: 133], "then his basket fell, and him, and his bike, everything (iʔal) fell" [Baird 2rather point to the non-attributive meaning: "I'm showing all (iʔal) of these she owns/of hers" [Baird 2008: 92], "so that we all (al) know and we all listen" [Baird 2008: 131], "We all (al) helped clear this field, so play don't fight" [Baird 2008: 133], "don't be like th008: 139], "my legs and arms were all (iʔal) shaking uncontrollably" [Baird 2008: 156].
Other candidates are maːŋ ~ me=maːŋ 'all (Indonesian: semua)' [Baird 2008: 210] and hǝboh 'all (Indonesian: seluruh)' [Baird 2008: 200] - both without textual examples.
Number:2
Word:ashes
\1:Takalelang Abui\2:Такалеланг Абуи:ʔar-u-y1
Kratochvíl 2007: 450; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 29, 198. Polysemy: 'ashes / to incinerate, turn into ashes'. Derived from the verb =ˈal / =ˈar 'to burn' q.v.
Makadai Abui: ar-ˈu-y Stokhof 1975: 54 (#76). The same term.
Baird 2008: 224; Stokhof 1975: 48 (#76). Polysemy: 'ashes / dust'. Harmonized from *ad-uː-r. It should be noted that in the example in [Baird 2008: 147], this word is transcribed as udur.
Kratochvíl 2007: 466; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 63, 199. Polysemy: 'tree bark / fruit peel'. Cf. the verb kˈuy 'to peel, take off skin' [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 72].
The expression batˈaː kˈul, literally 'tree's skin', can also be used for 'bark' (as, e.g., in the example "the tree bark is very compact" [Kratochvíl 2007: 495]) - borrowed from Indonesian kulit 'skin', kulit pohon 'bark' (literally 'tree's skin').
DuBois 1938/1987: 91 (#748). The expression bata he=kuli, literally 'tree's skin' with possr=kuli 'skin' q.v. Borrowed from Indonesian kulit 'skin', kulit pohon 'bark' (literally 'tree's skin').
Cf. abok 'tree bark' quoted in [Nicolspeyer 1940: 96 (#12), 156], but this word can denote some special kind of bark.
Cf. also ka 'bark cloth (i.e. cloth made of bark)' in ka munuma 'white bark cloth', ka but ka 'red bark cloth', ka mal ka 'coastal bark cloth' [DuBois 1938/1987: 91 (#598)].
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:eteʔ=kui ~ ʔete=kui1
Baird 2008: 196. Literally 'tree's skin', where kui = 'skin' q.v.
A second expression for 'bark' is ete=wak [Baird 2008: 196], literally 'hug of tree' with wak 'hug' [Baird 2008: 226] (a reduced form of expected **eteʔ=wak). We treat both compounds as synonyms.
poss=tˈoːk, glossed as 'intestine, stomach' ("I feel sick", lit. 'my intestines hurt me'; "I am hungry", lit. 'my intestines are hungry'; "I am not hungry anymore", lit. 'my stomach is tight') [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 129, 244], [Kratochvíl 2007: 461].
The difference between these four terms is unclear. Tentatively we fill the slot by ʔatˈey, which is glossed as 'belly' in our sources.
Makadai Abui: tˈok Stokhof 1975: 54 (#23). The same term as in Abui Atimelang.
DuBois 1938/1987: 87 (#54); Stokhof 1975: 53 (#23). Quoted as tok-e 'belly' in [DuBois 1938/1987: 87 (#54)], as tˈok 'stomach' in [Stokhof 1975: 53]. Cf. the meaning 'intestines' in tok falala 'small intestines', tok kuluta 'large intestines' [DuBois 1938/1987: 87 (#55)], na=tok na=rik 'my stomach aches' [DuBois 1944: 565 (#96)].
Cf. also tebak which is quoted in [DuBois 1938/1987: 87 (#54)] as a synonym of tok-e 'belly'.
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:bet3
Baird 2008: 191; Stokhof 1975: 48 (#23). Polysemy: 'belly / stomach'. For the meaning 'belly', cf. the following example: "So I, myself, massaged my belly" [Baird 2008: 78]. For the meaning 'stomach': "we eat until our stomachs are full" [Baird 2008: 147], "So one or two fruits is good, we have small stomachs, and we couldn't finish eating it" [Baird 2008: 171].
Paneia Klon: bet, quoted in the slot 'stomach' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#23)].
Makadai Abui: fˈok-a Stokhof 1975: 54 (#77). The same term.
\1:Atimelang Abui\2:Атимеланг Абуи #:fˈok-a1
DuBois 1938/1987: 94 (#1061); Nicolspeyer 1940: 162; Stokhof 1975: 53 (#77). Also in [DuBois 1944: 564 (#58)] in lu foka 'large ravine or river'.
Cf. also lˈeya quoted in [Stokhof 1975: 53 (#77)] as a synonym of fˈok-a, this word is also attested in wa witi leya 'to smile' [DuBois 1938/1987: 88 (#165)] (wa 'mouth', witi ~ weti 'tooth').
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:aːl2
Baird 2008: 190; Stokhof 1975: 48 (#77). Glossed as 'big (Indonesian: besar)'. This is the basic expression for 'big' in Bring Klon, cf. the attested examples: "big basket" [Baird 2008: 57], "The rooster isn't big yet" [Baird 2008: 57], "two big red chickens" [Baird 2008: 86], "large woman" [Baird 2008: 118], "a big redwood" [Baird 2008: 178]. Cf. also the compound adjective aʔ-aːl 'very big' [Baird 2008: 100]
Distinct from tǝmok 'big (Indonesian: besar)' [Baird 2008: 222], the semantic nuances are unknown, no examples found. Additionally, the Indonesian loanword besar 'big' is attested [Baird 2008: 230].
Paneia Klon: ʔal 'big' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#77)]. However, in [Baird 2008: 228], the specific Paneia word for 'big (Indonesian: besar)' is quoted as alta (suffixed stem al-ta?).
Cf. also ruwˈol, glossed as 'chicken, bird' in [Kratochvíl 2007: 490], but only as 'chicken' in [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 112].
Makadai Abui: kˈuyaʔ Stokhof 1975: 54 (#47). The same term. Distinct from ruwˈal 'chicken' [Stokhof 1975: 54 (#46)].
\1:Atimelang Abui\2:Атимеланг Абуи #:rua ~ rˈuol2
DuBois 1938/1987: 92 (#844); DuBois 1944: 564 (#64); Nicolspeyer 1940: 174; Stokhof 1975: 53 (#47). All sources record the polysemy 'chicken / bird' for this term. The variant rˈuol is quoted in [Stokhof 1975: 53], other sources have rua. Morphologically unclear.
Cf. also an unclear arok in arok berka 'birds of prey' [DuBois 1938/1987: 92 (#841)] (berka 'bad').
Kratochvíl 2007: 494; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 120, 121, 200. Polysemy: 'to bite / to chew / to sting (of an insect)'. A verb with the e~a alternation, class III.G according to [Kratochvíl 2007: 83, 210]: takˈey is the imperfective (continuative & inceptive) stem, takˈay is the perfective (completive) stem.
DuBois 1938/1987: 88 (#135); Nicolspeyer 1940: 175. Quoted as takey 'to eat, bite, chew' in [Nicolspeyer 1940: 175], as take 'to bite' in [DuBois 1938/1987: 88 (#135)].
Cf. also two other verbs: bisak-d-a and hek-e, which are quoted in [DuBois 1938/1987: 88 (#135)] as synonyms of take; the first one may be cognate with Abui Takalelang sak 'to be cracked, split parallel', sak-d-i 'to loosen, unfix, break, crack up' [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 113] (although the initial bi- is unclear).
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:eh2
Baird 2008: 195. Glossed as 'bite (Indonesian: gigit)'. Applied to both humans and animals: "bite him" [Baird 2008: 18], "bite me" [Baird 2008: 26], "all the dogs bit it" [Baird 2008: 38], "people stood and just bit their hands" [Baird 2008: 180].
The second verb is kik 'to bite (Indonesian: gigit)' [Baird 2008: 206], but, apparently, it is more marginal; no examples have been found.
Baird 2008: 188, 219; Stokhof 1975: 48 (#78, 102). Polysemy: 'night / black'. However, the only discovered example contains the reduplicated stem ʔa-ʔakan: "the dry fruit is black" [Baird 2008: 110].
Paneia Klon: akan 'black' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#78)]. Distinct, however, from ilkan 'night' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#102)] (an error?).
Makadai Abui: tˈaypaʔ Stokhof 1975: 54 (#80). The same term.
\1:Atimelang Abui\2:Атимеланг Абуи #:taypa1
DuBois 1938/1987: 98 (fn. 9). Quoted as tepay 'bone' in [Stokhof 1975: 53 (#80)]. Cf. also ayak taypa 'rice stalk' [DuBois 1938/1987: 90 (#547)] (ayak 'rice').
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:tǝr-op1
Baird 2008: 223; Stokhof 1975: 48 (#80). Polysemy: 'bone / seed' (i.e., 'bone / seed of fruit'? See notes on 'seed').
A second term for 'bone' is simply tor [Baird 2008: 223]. Because of this, we analyze tǝrop as tǝr-op (with regular reduction o > ǝ in the unstressed position), although the second element -op is unclear.
Kratochvíl 2007: 487; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 107, 201. Glossed as 'breast, chest' with an example "his chest". Quoted in [Kratochvíl 2007: 487] as rahieŋ. Apparently a compound with unclear components, cf. rˈay 'milt (i.e. spleen)' [Kratochvíl 2007: 487]; [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 107] and poss=iyˈèŋ 'eye; centre, middle' (q.v.). Place of stress is explained by the compound nature of the expression.
Cf. also poss=rˈek ~ poss=rˈek-d-i 'ribs, chest; turned with the chest upwards, face up' [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 109] (glossed as 'chest; to turn with the chest upwards' with the transcription [rɛɑk] in [Kratochvíl 2007: 488]).
Cf. two terms with the probable meaning 'female breast': tˈik 'breast' with examples for 'female breast' only ([Kratochvíl 2007: 496]; [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 125]) and kodˈaŋ 'breast', the only example for which ("her breast") also speaks for the meaning 'female breast' ([Kratochvíl 2007: 470]; [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 71]).
Makadai Abui: rˈayhiyˈeŋ [Stokhof 1975: 54 (#21)]. The same term. Cf. tˈik 'female breast' [Stokhof 1975: 54 (#22)].
\1:Atimelang Abui\2:Атимеланг Абуи #:kodaŋ2
DuBois 1938/1987: 87 (#43). In [Stokhof 1975: 53 (#21)] quoted as kadˈoŋ (a typo?).
Cf. also terms for 'female breast': tik [Nicolspeyer 1940: 177] (glossed as 'breast; milk'), tik-e [DuBois 1938/1987: 87 (#44)], tˈuk [Stokhof 1975: 53 (#22)] (a typo again?).
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:der-gen3
Baird 2008: 193. In [Stokhof 1975: 48 (#21)], it is quoted simply as der. Glossed as 'chest (Indonesian: dada)'. An unclear compound, cf. der 'at the back' [Baird 2008: 193] and gen 'lid' [Baird 2008: 198].
Distinct from duːt with polysemy: 'female breast / milk' [Baird 2008: 194; Stokhof 1975: 48 (#22)].
Paneia Klon: der 'breast (general or male)' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#21)]. Distinct from dut 'female breast' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#22)].
Number:12
Word:burn tr.
\1:Takalelang Abui\2:Такалеланг Абуи:=ˈal / =ˈar1
Kratochvíl 2007: 449, 450; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 26, 29, 202. A root with r~l alternation, class II.D according to [Kratochvíl 2007: 83, 210]; =ˈal is the imperfective (continuative & inceptive) stem, =ˈar is the perfective (completive) stem. The intransitive semantics is, apparently, expressed by the same root.
Nicolspeyer 1940: 157. Glossed as 'in brand steken'. Cf. also ar-a-n-hay 'to set fire' [Nicolspeyer 1940: 157], ar-d-a-ne 'to burn (intrans.)' [DuBois 1938/1987: 96 (#1277)].
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:tib2
Baird 2008: 221. Glossed as 'to burn (Indonesian: bakar)'. Cf. the example: "Clear the garden, then we burn until the rains come" [Baird 2008: 111].
Distinct from peːʔ [Baird 2008: 217], which is glossed as 'to burn', but the Indonesian gloss 'membakar' suggests a specific meaning such as 'to set smth. on fire'. Cf. the example: "The people that just burnt the village, they were all killed" [Baird 2008: 184].
Number:13
Word:claw (nail)
\1:Takalelang Abui\2:Такалеланг Абуи:kusˈiŋ1
Kratochvíl 2007: 471; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 73, 227. Glossed in the meaning 'nail'; the equivalent for 'claw' is unknown.
Makadai Abui: kˈuysiŋ [Stokhof 1975: 54 (#100)]. The same term. Quoted as a translation of the English entry 'nail / claw'.
Abui Fanating: Cf. quite a different term kˈafì 'claw' [Kratochvíl 2007: 61].
Kratochvíl 2007: 96, 484; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 100, 205. Meaning glossed as 'to be cold, cooled down'. Quoted as palata in [Kratochvíl 2007: 484]. Derived from the alternating verb palˈaːk (imperfective) / palˈaːt (perfective) 'to cool' [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 100], class II.A according to [Kratochvíl 2007: 83, 210].
Makadai Abui: kafˈuka [Stokhof 1975: 54 (#82)]. A different term (without obvious cognates in other dialects).
\1:Atimelang Abui\2:Атимеланг Абуи #:palˈat-a1
DuBois 1938/1987: 94 (#1107); Nicolspeyer 1940: 172; Stokhof 1975: 53 (#82). Cf. also maliŋ-d-i 'cold (of weather)' [Nicolspeyer 1940: 170] ("the sun becomes cold") and ko 'cold' [Nicolspeyer 1940: 167], probably the same word as ko 'raw, uncooked'.
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:kǝbuk2
Baird 2008: 205. There are two words for 'cold (Indonesian: dingin)' in [Baird 2008]: kǝbuk and mǝhiŋ. We treat them as synonyms.
Kratochvíl 2007: 477; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 86, 87, 205. Glossed as 'to come, arrive'. An alternating verb: mˈe (imperfective) / mˈiey ~ miyˈey (perfective), class III.B according to [Kratochvíl 2007: 83, 210].
Makadai Abui: tiyˈay [Stokhof 1975: 54 (#83)]. A different term, corresponds to Abui Atimelang tia, tiey, ti '(verb of motion)'.
\1:Atimelang Abui\2:Атимеланг Абуи #:me1
Stokhof 1975: 53 (#83) (as meʔ). The entries 'to come' and 'to go' are difficult cases because the sources differ strikingly, apparently due to questions that could have been incorrectly posed to informants, or to approximate/erroneous translation. We prefer the data of [Stokhof 1975], since W. A. L. Stokhof is the only linguist among our authors.
The data from [DuBois 1938/1987] can be summarized as follows: 'to walk' lak(e) [88 (#145)], 'to go' lak(e), sa [96 (#1279)], 'to come' lak, sa [96 (#1283)], 'to arrive' mia (ho-po-mia) [96 (#1284)], 'to depart' lak [96 (#1286)].
However, in [DuBois 1944: 564 (#60)] we is translated as 'to go (toward smb.)'.
The data of [Nicolspeyer 1940] are: sa, sa-d-i 'to go' [174], tia, tiey, ti 'to go, come (intr.); follow smb. (tr.)' [177], we 'to go, to depart, leave for' [179].
These Abui Atimelang verbs are cognate to the following Abui Takalelang words: lˈàk 'to leave for (towards a deictic centre)' [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 75], wˈe 'to leave, go away' [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 138], sˈay 'to pass along' [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 113], tˈay 'to pass along' [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 113 sub sai].
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:ma1
Baird 2008: 209; Stokhof 1975: 48 (#83). There are two main candidates for the generic verb 'to come' in Bring Klon: ma and ʔad. Both are glossed as 'to come (Indonesian: datang)' in [Baird 2008: 209, 218].
Cf. some examples for ma 'to come': "John came and stayed" [Baird 2008: 36], "Joni came and saw Peter" [Baird 2008: 37], "So, true, his wife she came, and was told" [Baird 2008: 61], "So I come here and we stab you first and I come to you here" [Baird 2008: 72], "the ancestor Hingkoi and his children together they came maybe" [Baird 2008: 79], "Karel you also come so that I show you" [Baird 2008: 96], "Deer and pig came, I was scared, I climbed a tree" [Baird 2008: 31], "So it came that (he) grew up and then he took a wife" [Baird 2008: 67].
Cf. some examples for ʔad 'to come': "Two nights ago Mr Official M.U. came looking for us" [Baird 2008: 32], "you children of now come and you know and you hear" [Baird 2008: 51], "We come to you and you go to help us" [Baird 2008: 74], "The three of them came, those three anchored then they got up" [Baird 2008: 79], "The ruler called them [the women] so the women came" [Baird 2008: 80], "So our leaders came and met us" [Baird 2008: 83], "Now of you here who still hasn't come yet?" [Baird 2008: 113], "the deer came through the forest. (It) came so (I) held this bow and arrow to shoot it" [Baird 2008: 37], "so birds will come and sit on it" [Baird 2008: 53], "then we burn until the rains come" [Baird 2008: 111].
We treat ma and ʔad as synonyms.
Paneia Klon: ma 'to come' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#83)].
Number:16
Word:come
\1:Takalelang Abui\2:Такалеланг Абуи:
\1:Atimelang Abui\2:Атимеланг Абуи #:
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:ʔad2
Baird 2008: 218.
Number:17
Word:die
\1:Takalelang Abui\2:Такалеланг Абуи:mˈón1
Kratochvíl 2007: 479; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 90, 208. Glossed as 'to die, pass away'. An alternating verb: mˈoŋ (imperfective) / mˈón (perfective), class II.C according to [Kratochvíl 2007: 83, 210].
Cf. also malay-d-ˈa 'to perish, wane, die' (place of stress is strange) from mal-ˈa-y 'causing death, deadly; to be dead, be bewailed' [Kratochvíl 2007: 476], [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 83], probably ← mal 'to cry'.
Cf. also bˈeːk-a-d-i 'to pass away, die' [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 37] from the root bˈeːk 'bad, broken, corrupt, outrageous, extraordinary' [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 36] (quoted as bek, bek-a-d-i in [Kratochvíl 2007: 454]).
Makadai Abui: mon-ˈi Stokhof 1975: 54 (#84) (quoted as mɔɔnˈi). The same term.
Baird 2008: 194; Stokhof 1975: 48 (#84). In [Baird 2008: 55], specified as "neutral on cause of death". A labile verb with polysemy: 'to die / to kill'; applicable to humans and animals. Prefix e= is singled out on etymological grounds.
Paneia Klon: a=ber, quoted in the slot 'dead / to die' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#84)].
Kratochvíl 2007: 457; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 42, 43, 209. Polysemy: 'to consume / to drink / to inhale'. An alternating verb: bˈuːk (imperfective) / bˈuːt (perfective), class II.A according to [Kratochvíl 2007: 83, 210].
Makadai Abui: but Stokhof 1975: 54 (#58). The same term.
DuBois 1938/1987: 88 (#130); Nicolspeyer 1940: 159. Polysemy: 'to drink / to smoke' (i.e. 'inhale'). The same root 'to drink' in another paradigmatic form: but [Stokhof 1975: 53 (#58)] (quoted as bud-).
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:naːʔ2
Baird 2008: 214; Stokhof 1975: 48 (#58).
Paneia Klon: na 'to drink' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#58)].
Number:20
Word:dry
\1:Takalelang Abui\2:Такалеланг Абуи:tak-a-t-ˈa1
Kratochvíl 2007: 96, 494; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 121, 210. Polysemy: 'to be dry, dried out, thin, skinny / dry land, shore'. Derived from tak-ˈa-k / tak-ˈa-t 'to dry out, let dry' [Kratochvíl 2007: 494], [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 120, 121]. Cf. the simple stem tak-ˈa 'to become dry / to become empty' ([Kratochvíl 2007: 494]; [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 120]).
Makadai Abui: tak-ˈa-t-a Stokhof 1975: 54 (#86) (as takˈattɑ). The same term.
\1:Atimelang Abui\2:Атимеланг Абуи #:tak-ˈa-t-a1
DuBois 1938/1987: 94 (#1125); Nicolspeyer 1940: 175; Stokhof 1975: 53 (#86). In [Nicolspeyer 1940], polysemy: 'dry / ripe'; in [DuBois 1938/1987: 93 (#942)] also given as the substantive 'land'. Cf. paronymous tak-a 'empty (of contents of things)' [DuBois 1938/1987: 95 (#1142)], [DuBois 1944: 565 (#91)].
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:tǝk-a-t1
Baird 2008: 222; Stokhof 1975: 48 (#86). Polysemy: 'dry / thirsty'. For morphemic analysis, see notes on Takalelang Abui.
Makadai Abui: wˈey Stokhof 1975: 54 (#5). The same term. Quoted as nawˈeyʔatˈa 'ear', i.e. na=wey-ʔata 'my ear leaf', 'my auricle'.
\1:Atimelang Abui\2:Атимеланг Абуи #:wey1
DuBois 1938/1987: 87 (#9) (as weʔ); DuBois 1944: 564 (#79) (as vey); Nicolspeyer 1940: 179 (as wey). In [Stokhof 1975: 53 (#5)] the form nˈeyˈata is given for 'ear'; this is apparently a contraction of na=wey-ata 'my ear leaf', i.e. 'my auricle'.
DuBois 1938/1987: 93 (#970) (as anayʔ); DuBois 1944: 564 (#40); Nicolspeyer 1940: 157. The same term is quoted in [Stokhof 1975: 53 (#41, 94)] as anˈey translating Eng. 'garden' and as ˈani translating Eng. 'ground'.
Cf. also tak-a-t-a 'land' (i.e. 'dry' q.v.) [DuBois 1938/1987: 93 (#942)] and mok 'soil, sand' [Nicolspeyer 1940: 170].
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:mǝkei ~ mǝkeʔ2
Baird 2008: 211; Stokhof 1975: 48 (#94). Terms for 'earth' are poorly documented. There are three words glossed as 'earth' in [Baird 2008]: bulǝya 'earth (Indonesian: bumi)' [Baird 2008: 192], mǝkei ~ mǝkeʔ 'ground; earth (Indonesian: tanah)' [Baird 2008: 211], mǝlei 'earth (Indonesian: tanah)' [Baird 2008: 212].
We provisionally interpret bulǝya as 'Earth, world', but consider mǝkei ~ mǝkeʔ and mǝlei as synonyms for 'soil'.
Paneia Klon: cf. makeʔ, quoted in the slot 'ground' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#94)]; cf. mokun in the same source, which probably means 'fat (adj.)'.
Baird 2008: 205. There are two verbs glossed as 'to eat (Indonesian: makan)' in [Baird 2008: 205, 211]: kǝde and mǝhak. Examples for kǝde are numerous, e.g., "we eat and drink" [Baird 2008: 41], "he also ate rice until he finished" [Baird 2008: 80], and so on. On the contrary, only two examples for mǝhak 'to eat' have been found: "she hasn't eaten, so she's eating" [Baird 2008: 118], "It was late so Anus and his dog ate, then they went to sleep" [Baird 2008: 154]. Without any doubts, kǝde is the basic verb for this meaning in the modern language. It is interesting that, in [Stokhof 1975: 48 (#57)], it is mahak that is quoted in the slot 'to eat'.
Another term is probably retained in poss=to 'male genitals' (i.e. testicles?) [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 127].
Makadai Abui: toʔ Stokhof 1975: 54 (#48). A different term, corresponding to Abui Takalelang poss=to 'male genitals' (i.e. testicles?).
\1:Atimelang Abui\2:Атимеланг Абуи #:bira1
DuBois 1938/1987: 92 (#790) (as biraʔ); Nicolspeyer 1940: 159; Stokhof 1975: 53 (#48) (as bǝrˈahɑ). Cf. the same word in tok bera 'testicle' [DuBois 1938/1987: 87 (#79)] (tok 'stomach, intestines').
Makadai Abui: fˈoka Stokhof 1975: 54 (#93). The term lacks obvious cognates in other dialects (suspiciously resembles fok-a 'to be big' q.v.).
\1:Atimelang Abui\2:Атимеланг Абуи #:tam-a-d-a1
DuBois 1938/1987: 94 (#1073). In [DuBois 1938/1987], 'fat, grease' is translated as tam-a-d-a, whereas in [Stokhof 1975: 53 (#93)] these English words are translated as kˈona. We treat both Abui Atimelang terms as synonyms.
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:tǝm-a-d1
Baird 2008: 222; Stokhof 1975: 48 (#93). There are two words for the substantive meaning 'fat (Indonesian: lemak)' in [Baird 2008]: tǝm-a-d and leŋ. Since leŋ is glossed with polysemy: 'fat / coconut cream / thick' in [Baird 2008: 209] and is also absent from [Stokhof 1975], we prefer to exclude leŋ from our list.
Distinct from mǝkuːn [Baird 2008: 212; Stokhof 1975: 48 (#93)], glossed as 'fat', but its Indonesian gloss 'gemuk' could suggest an adjectival meaning.
Paneia Klon: tam-a-t, quoted in the slot 'grease' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#93)]; cf. mokun in the same source, which probably means 'fat (adj.)'.
Number:26
Word:fat n.
\1:Takalelang Abui\2:Такалеланг Абуи:
\1:Atimelang Abui\2:Атимеланг Абуи #:kˈona2
Stokhof 1975: 53 (#93).
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:
Number:27
Word:feather
\1:Takalelang Abui\2:Такалеланг Абуи:ʔamˈur1
Kratochvíl 2007: 450; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 28. Polysemy: 'body hair, fur / feathers'. Glossed as 'hair' only, but cf. the example "She is plucking the chicken feathers". Cf. notes on 'hair'.
Baird 2008: 227. There are two words for 'feather (Indonesian: bulu)' in [Baird 2008]: wǝrek and kap [Baird 2008: 205]. Since the only found textual example contains wǝrek, we consider it as the default term: "so birds will come and sit on it, they're covered in sap, their arms are covered in sap, their legs are covered in sap, their feathers (wǝrek) are covered in sap" [Baird 2008: 53].
Makadai Abui: ar-ˈaʔ Stokhof 1975: 54 (#39). Polysemy: 'fire / firewood'. The same term.
\1:Atimelang Abui\2:Атимеланг Абуи #:ar-ˈa1
Nicolspeyer 1940: 157; Stokhof 1975: 53 (#39). Polysemy: 'fire / firewood'. DuBois quotes araʔ only as 'firewood' [DuBois 1938/1987: 90 (#484)], whereas 'fire' is expressed as ara-wasiŋ [DuBois 1938/1987: 90 (#475)], [DuBois 1944: 564 (#75)] (the second part of the compound is unclear). In [Nicolspeyer 1940: 157] there is another secondary synonym: ara-kima 'fire / firewood' (the second part of the compound is, likewise, unclear).
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:ad-aʔ1
Baird 2008: 188. In [Stokhof 1975: 48 (#39)], the compound ada-war is quoted for the slot 'fire / firewood', which apparently denotes 'firewood'.
Paneia Klon: ad-waer, quoted for the slot 'fire / firewood' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#39)]; apparently it denotes 'firewood'.
Baird 2008: 209; Stokhof 1975: 48 (#87). There are two verbs glossed as 'to fly (Indonesian: terbang)' in [Baird 2008: 209, 222]: liːr and tǝlor. Since only liːr has been located in textual examples: "they (the birds) can't fly, we can catch them" [Baird 2008: 54], "This is honeycomb, (its) owner has flown" [Baird 2008: 53], we consider liːr as the basic verb for 'to fly'.
Kratochvíl 2007: 497; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 128. Polysemy: 'leg / foot'. Glossed as 'leg' only, but cf. such examples as "the thorn is still actually stuck in my foot" [Kratochvíl 2007: 417] or "fruit of my foot" = 'toe' [Kratochvíl 2007: 484].
Makadai Abui: tˈokuʔ Stokhof 1975: 54 (#27). The same term. Polysemy: 'leg / foot'.
An interesting case. In [Baird 2008: 194, 220], two words, possr=e and tak, are quoted with the gloss 'leg (Indonesian: kaki)'. Apparently, both of them demonstrate the polysemy 'foot / leg' that is typical for that region. As explained in [Baird 2008: 91 f.], the difference between them is that possr=e is inalienably possessed, whereas tak is alienably possessed (there are different sets of inalienable and alienable possessive proclitic pronouns in Klon). A second lexical pair of a similar kind, quoted in [Baird 2008: 91 f.], is possr=to and kǝdeh 'head' q.v.
Following general reasoning, one could suppose that inalienable possr=e 'foot / leg' and possr=to 'head' are the default expressions for the corresponding anatomic meanings, whereas the alienable lexemes tak 'foot / leg' and kǝdeh 'head' might be suspected to have some specific semantic nuances. This seems true for 'head' q.v., but the situation with 'foot / leg' is less obvious.
The following examples for possr=e 'foot / leg' have been found, all of them with the anatomic meaning: "we covered our legs in cloth" [Baird 2008: 60], "the dog just licked his legs and his arms" [Baird 2008: 82], "their (i.e., birds') legs are covered in sap" [Baird 2008: 53].
On the contrary, only one example for tak 'foot / leg' with the anatomic meaning has been found: "It saw us and I shook, my legs and arms were all shaking uncontrollably" [Baird 2008: 156]; additionally tak is used in the fixed expression for 'big toe', literally 'thumb of tak' [Baird 2008: 118, 185]. Two other examples illustrate the metaphoric technical meaning of tak: "One of the posts (tak) of the storehouse is smaller (than the others)" [Baird 2008: 57], "table-leg" [Baird 2008: 91].
The aforementioned passages can indicate that possr=e 'foot / leg' is the default anatomic term. However, in Stokhof's list it is tak, not possr=e that is quoted as the Bring word for 'foot/leg'. Because of this, we are forced to treat possr=e and tak as synonyms in our list.
Paneia Klon: tak, quoted in the slot 'foot / leg' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#27)].
Number:31
Word:foot
\1:Takalelang Abui\2:Такалеланг Абуи:
\1:Atimelang Abui\2:Атимеланг Абуи #:
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:possr=e2
Baird 2008: 194.
Number:32
Word:full
\1:Takalelang Abui\2:Такалеланг Абуи:mi-d-ˈa1
Kratochvíl 2007: 477; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 87. Verbal stem: 'to fill up; to be filled up'. Apparently this is the most probable candidate for 'full' in the available data. Derived from mˈi 'to be in, be inside' ([Kratochvíl 2007: 477]; [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 87]).
\1:Atimelang Abui\2:Атимеланг Абуи #:miy-i1
DuBois 1938/1987: 95 (#1143) (as midji).
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:mi1
Baird 2008: 211. A poorly documented term. Out of several words glossed as 'full' or 'to fill' in [Baird 2008], two are found in textual examples.
1) mi 'to fill (Indonesian: isi)' [Baird 2008: 211], the example is "she saw the basket was full of faeces" [Baird 2008: 102].
2) kin 'full (Indonesian: kenyang)' [Baird 2008: 206], the example is "we eat until our stomachs are full" [Baird 2008: 147].
We are forced to treat mi and kin as synonyms.
Cf. also two additional candidates:
3) anaː 'to fill (Indonesian: kasih penuh)' [Baird 2008: 189].
The word bal is glossed as 'full' in [Baird 2008: 190], but its Indonesian gloss 'purnama' suggests the actual meaning 'full moon'. Similarly, hid is glossed as 'full' in [Baird 2008: 200], but the Indonesian gloss 'sesak' suggests the actual meaning 'crowded, packed'.
Number:32
Word:full
\1:Takalelang Abui\2:Такалеланг Абуи:
\1:Atimelang Abui\2:Атимеланг Абуи #:
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:kin2
Baird 2008: 206.
Number:33
Word:give
\1:Takalelang Abui\2:Такалеланг Абуи:=l / =r1
Kratochvíl 2007: 471, 487; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 74, 107, 215. Polysemy: 'to give / to make / to affect', also as a light verb. Apparently an alternating verb: =l (imperfective) / =r (perfective), class II.D according to [Kratochvíl 2007: 83, 210].
Makadai Abui: =d Stokhof 1975: 54 (#90). Quoted as dɑminˈɛdɛ 'he gives me', i.e. da=mi=nˈe=d-e, where di = 3actor, mi = 'to take', ne = 1sg.loc. A different term, corresponding to Abui Atimelang =d 'to give'.
\1:Atimelang Abui\2:Атимеланг Абуи #:=l / =r1
Stokhof 1975: 53 (#90). An alternating verb =l / =r. Quoted as dimˈinɛr/l 'he gives me', i.e. di=mi=ne=r/l, where di = 3actor, mi = 'to take' (cf., e.g., Abui Takalelang ex. 85 in [Kratochvíl 2007: 100]), ne = 1sg.loc.
On the contrary, [DuBois 1938/1987] and [Nicolspeyer 1940] quote the verb =d for 'to give (to)': (mi)hede [DuBois 1938/1987: 95 (#1176)], mihedi [Nicolspeyer 1940: 170], i.e. mi=he=d-e 'to give him', where mi = 'to take', he = 3loc.
Kratochvíl 2007: 96, 467, 468; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 61, 62, 216. Polysemy: 'to be good / to be right (= not left)'. An alternating verb: kˈaːŋ (imperfective) / kˈaːn (perfective), class II.C according to [Kratochvíl 2007: 83, 210]. Quoted as kaŋ / kan in [Kratochvíl 2007: 467, 468].
Makadai Abui: kaŋ Stokhof 1975: 54 (#92). The same term.
\1:Atimelang Abui\2:Атимеланг Абуи #:kaŋ1
DuBois 1938/1987: 95 (#1130); Nicolspeyer 1940: 166; Stokhof 1975: 53 (#92). Polysemy: 'to be good / to be right (= not left)' ([DuBois 1938/1987: 95 (#1130), 97 (#1436)]; [Nicolspeyer 1940: 166]).
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:nok2
Baird 2008: 214; Stokhof 1975: 48 (#92). Cf. the examples: "My coconuts are very good" [Baird 2008: 172], "Oh this is good stuff" [Baird 2008: 176]. Nok is also commonly used as a discursive particle, as in "Good (nok), bring the machete so that we can cut this small branch" [Baird 2008: 83] and similar contexts.
A second candidate is tǝmai ~ en=tǝmai, also glossed as generic 'good (Indonesian: baik)' in [Baird 2008: 222]. Apparently this is a more marginal term, no examples have been found.
Paneia Klon: mu=nok 'good' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#92)]; the initial element is unclear.
Number:35
Word:green
\1:Takalelang Abui\2:Такалеланг Абуи:walaŋ-ˈa-y1
Kratochvíl 2007: 97, 501; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 137, 216. Polysemy: 'to be fresh, raw / to be blue / to be green'. Cf. such examples for the meaning 'green' as: "The leaves of trees are green" [Kratochvíl 2007: 451, 501], "Cut the green of thick liana" [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 83].
Apparently the same term is also represented as buloŋ-ˈa-y 'to be blue, green' ([Kratochvíl 2007: 456]; [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 42]; the only example for this word is "green algae" [Kratochvíl 2007: 450]), but the sound mutation is unclear.
\1:Atimelang Abui\2:Атимеланг Абуи #:walaŋ-a-y1
DuBois 1938/1987: 95 (#1172, 1173). Polysemy: 'to be blue / to be green'.
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:wǝleŋ1
Baird 2008: 227. The partially reduplicated form wǝ=wǝleŋ is also attested. Polysemy: 'green / blue'.
Kratochvíl 2007: 486. The possessive collocation pikˈaːy batˈaː with the literal meaning 'head trees' (batˈaː 'tree'). The following examples have been found: "I plait her hair" [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 38]; "The woman pulled her hair, rip it out and threw it on the ground" [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 141].
Cf. also ʔamˈur ([Kratochvíl 2007: 450]; [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 28, 217]), which apparently means 'body hair, fur / feathers (q.v.)'; the meaning 'body hair, fur' is glossed as 'hairs' in [Kratochvíl 2007] & [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008], the only example found: "eyebrow", lit. 'eye hair' [Kratochvíl 2007: 143].
Makadai Abui: pikˈay batˈaʔ Stokhof 1975: 54 (#4). The same term.
\1:Atimelang Abui\2:Атимеланг Абуи #:kay=bata1
DuBois 1938/1987: 87 (#6). Literally 'head trees'. The same expression for 'head hair' in [Stokhof 1975: 53 (#4)]: bǝkˈay bˈata.
Cf. also amuri with the polysemy 'body hair, fur / feather' [DuBois 1938/1987: 92 (#787)]; the same term is used in iyaŋ amuri 'eyelashes' [DuBois 1938/1987: 87 (#13)] (iyaŋ 'eye' q.v.) and waʔ muri 'moustache, beard' [DuBois 1938/1987: 87 (#27, 30)] (wa 'mouth' q.v.).
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:kǝrid2
Baird 2008: 207; Stokhof 1975: 48 (#4). Apparently kǝrid denotes 'hair' in general, whereas 'head hair' can be optionally expressed by the full collocation to kǝrid, literally 'head's hair', as in [Baird 2008: 120; Stokhof 1975: 48 (#4)].
Paneia Klon: kelor 'hair' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#4)]. Apparently the same term as Bring kǝrid.
Number:37
Word:hand
\1:Takalelang Abui\2:Такалеланг Абуи:poss=tˈáŋ1
Kratochvíl 2007: 495; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 123, 217. Polysemy: 'hand / arm (rarely)', but the main word for 'arm' is apparently poss=lokˈu ([Kratochvíl 2007: 474, 507]; [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 79, 197]).
Makadai Abui: tˈaŋ Stokhof 1975: 54 (#28). The same term. Quoted as a translation of the English entry 'hand / arm'.
\1:Atimelang Abui\2:Атимеланг Абуи #:tˈaŋ1
DuBois 1938/1987: 87 (#96); Nicolspeyer 1940: 176; Stokhof 1975: 53 (#28). In [Stokhof 1975: 53 (#28)] quoted as a translation of the English entry 'hand / arm'. Opposed to taŋ ha=tok 'forearm' [DuBois 1938/1987: 87 (#96), 98 (fn. 11)] (tok 'belly, intestines' sic!) and loke 'upper arm' [DuBois 1938/1987: 87 (#98)].
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:tan1
Baird 2008: 82 fn. 1, 220; Stokhof 1975: 48 (#28). Polysemy: 'hand / arm'. One of the words for '(tree) branch' is derived from this anatomic term: gǝ=tan, literally 'its arm' with the fossilized possessive pronoun [Baird 2008: 82 fn. 1, 199].
Paneia Klon: taŋ, quoted in the slot 'hand / arm' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#28)].
Number:38
Word:head
\1:Takalelang Abui\2:Такалеланг Абуи:pi=kˈaːy1
Kratochvíl 2007: 486; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 105, 217. Quoted as pikay in [Kratochvíl 2007: 486]. Apparently a compound form pi=kˈaːy, although the first element is unclear.
Makadai Abui: pi=kˈay Stokhof 1975: 54 (#2). The same term.
\1:Atimelang Abui\2:Атимеланг Абуи #:kay1
DuBois 1938/1987: 87 (#2); Nicolspeyer 1940: 166. The same root is represented in bǝ=kˈay 'head' [Stokhof 1975: 53 (#2)] (as bǝqˈɑy), ier=kay 'head' [DuBois 1944: 564 (#13)] (in n=ierkai na=rik 'my head aches'), although the first elements of these words are unclear.
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:possr=to2
Baird 2008: 223; Stokhof 1975: 48 (#2). Polysemy: 'head / penis'. In [Stokhof 1975], transcribed as tːu.
As in the case of 'foot' q.v., there are two terms denoting 'head': inalienable possr=to [Baird 2008: 223] and alienable kǝdeh [Baird 2008: 205] (see [Baird 2008: 91 f.] for some detail). It is likely that possr=to is actually the default term for 'human head' in Bring Klon, whereas kǝdeh mostly refers to 'animal head' or 'deadman's head'.
The following examples for possr=to 'head' have been found: "we ... wrapped our heads in cloth and continued to sleep" [Baird 2008: 60], "he ... rubbed his (i.e., deadman's) head (with officinal leaves)" [Baird 2008: 177], "now they were sleepy, but they had their heads searched (for lice) first" [Baird 2008: 185], to kǝrid 'head hair' with kǝrid 'hair' [Baird 2008: 120].
The examples for kǝdeh 'head' are: "Old Labegai you come and you take the heads of your corpses" [Baird 2008: 158], "they ... rubbed it (i.e., officinal leaves) in its (i.e., dead dog's) head" [Baird 2008: 176]. The latter passage with kǝdeh nicely contrasts with the parallel aforesaid passage from the same story, where "deadman's head" (possr=to) is mentioned. Additionally, the derived verb u=kǝdeh 'to lead, to head' is also attested [Baird 2008: 40, 100].
Information from [Stokhof 1975] confirms that possr=to is the basic word in the Bring dialect (this is not so for the Paneia dialect, see below). As for kǝdeh, it is noted in [Baird 2008: 91 f.] that kǝdeh can refer to 'head' as a trophy in head-hunting campaigns, which supports our solution.
Paneia Klon: the compound ih-kǝda 'head' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#2)], literally 'head (kǝda) of body (ih)'.
Number:39
Word:hear
\1:Takalelang Abui\2:Такалеланг Абуи:mah-ˈi-1
Kratochvíl 2007: 475; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 82. Polysemy: 'to perceive (in general), notice, register, note / to hear'. Cf. examples like "I am about to hear his speech" [Kratochvíl 2007: 94], "she did not hear it" [Kratochvíl 2007: 219].
Distinct from u=wǝrep 'to listen' [Baird 2008: 225].
Number:40
Word:heart
\1:Takalelang Abui\2:Такалеланг Абуи:bukomˈaŋ1
Kratochvíl 2007: 456; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 41, 217. A compound, formed from unclear elements. Perhaps to be analyzed as buk=om-ˈa-ŋ with bˈuk 'to join, tie together; bunch, cluster' and *om 'heart; inside'.
\1:Atimelang Abui\2:Атимеланг Абуи #:wata kupi2
DuBois 1938/1987: 87 (#52).
Available sources quote two terms:
1) wata kupi 'heart' [DuBois 1938/1987: 87 (#52)], the meaning of the elements is uncertain, cf. Abui Takalelang wata '1. coconut; 2. neck (q.v.)' and kupˈil 'to be round' (q.v.).
2) om-i, quoted in [Nicolspeyer 1940: 170] as mi 'inside, heart'. In fact, browsing through Nicolspeyer's Abui texts demonstrates that this substantive is always used with possessive proclitics with the o-vowel, like homi 'their hearts' [Nicolspeyer 1940: 79], homi 'his inside' [Nicolspeyer 1940: 108], romi 'your (2 pl.) inside' [Nicolspeyer 1940: 93] and so on. These forms cannot be analyzed as ho=mi, ro=mi, but rather as h=omi, r=omi, etc. (< *he/ha=omi, *re/ra=omi, see [Kratochvíl 2007: 63] for such a vowel contraction in Abui Takalelang). The same term is attested in wa h=omi 'interior part of the mouth' [DuBois 1938/1987: 87 (#24)] (wa 'mouth'), tuku h=omi 'sole of the foot' (tuku 'foot plus lowerleg') [DuBois 1938/1987: 87 (#87)], h=om kiele 'heart of the tree' [DuBois 1938/1987: 91 (#741)] (the second element kiele is unclear).
We treat both words as synonyms.
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:bur4
Baird 2008: 192. Glossed simply as 'heart (Indonesian: jantung)'.
A second candidate is hǝla [Baird 2008: 201], but since hǝla is glossed with polysemy: 'heart (Indonesian: jantung) / intestines', it is likely that its basic meaning is just 'intestines'.
Makadai Abui: na Stokhof 1975: 54 (#115). The same term.
\1:Atimelang Abui\2:Атимеланг Абуи #:na1
Stokhof 1975: 53 (#115). Quoted as ne-do in [DuBois 1938/1987: 97 (#1357)] and in [Nicolspeyer 1940: 172]; the final -d-o is an auxiliary verbal element (cf. [Kratochvíl 2007: 457] for Abui Takalelang data).
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:na-n ~ na1
Baird 2008: 67. The actor form. Baird notes that the reduced variant na is more informal. The undergoer verb prefix 'me' is n- [Baird 2008: 69], the possessive 'my' is nV- [Baird 2008: 90].
Number:43
Word:kill
\1:Takalelang Abui\2:Такалеланг Абуи:fˈen1
Kratochvíl 2007: 461; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 51, 52. Polysemy: 'to injure / to kill'. An alternating verb: fˈeŋ (imperfective) / fˈen (perfective), class II.C according to [Kratochvíl 2007: 83, 210]. Cf. some examples: "I will really kill you" [Kratochvíl 2007: 20]; "people killed it with an axe" [Kratochvíl 2007: 228]; "people gathered there to go up and kill everybody" [Kratochvíl 2007: 231]; "over there in Sibone, they slaughtered those (Pido) people" [Kratochvíl 2007: 333]; "when the younger one followed him, people killed (him)" [Kratochvíl 2007: 364]; "he killed his sister" [Kratochvíl 2007: 375]. Tentatively we suppose that fˈeŋ / fˈen is the result of contraction of the full form represented by Abui Atimelang fayheŋ ~ faheng 'to kill', although details are unclear.
The verb mˈoŋ / mˈón 'to die' q.v. can also express the meaning 'to kill' in serial constructions with ʔˈoŋ 'to make' or with fˈeŋ / fˈen ("kill it (dog)", "he killed his sister", literally "he made his sister die") [Kratochvíl 2007: 228, 375].
Baird 2008: 95. A labile verb with polysemy: 'to die / to kill'; applicable to humans and animals. The prefix e= is singled out on etymological grounds.
Makadai Abui: bˈabu Stokhof 1975: 54 (#95). Apparently an allegro contraction of *bala buku 'knee joint' (cf. notes on the Abui Atimelang entry).
\1:Atimelang Abui\2:Атимеланг Абуи #:bala1
DuBois 1938/1987: 87 (#91); Stokhof 1975: 53 (#95). Quoted as bala buku in [DuBois 1938/1987] and balˈey bˈuku [Stokhof 1975], i.e. 'knee joint' with buku 'joint, knot'.
Cf. wak-e 'back of the knee' [DuBois 1938/1987: 87 (#92)].
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:uk2
Baird 2008: 225. In [Stokhof 1975: 48 (#95)], 'knee' is quoted as the compound uka-bal (for the second element, see, e.g., the Takalelang Abui data).
Paneia Klon: uk 'knee' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#95)].
Number:45
Word:know
\1:Takalelang Abui\2:Такалеланг Абуи:=iyˈén1
Kratochvíl 2007: 339. Polysemy: 'to see (q.v.) / to know'. According to examples in [Kratochvíl 2007], the semantics of knowing is normally expressed by the serial construction =iyˈéŋ / =iyˈén 'to see' (q.v.) + lˈák 'to mark, recognize', cf. "I don't know him" [Kratochvíl 2007: 339]; "that the name for knife and machete existed, people did not know" [Kratochvíl 2007: 429]; "people say that you don't know anything. 'And it is sure, you don't know!' like this (he) said" [Kratochvíl 2007: 440]. In one example =iyˈéŋ / =iyˈén 'to see' is used without lˈák: "I know Kabola language" [Kratochvíl 2007: 390].
\1:Atimelang Abui\2:Атимеланг Абуи #:iyaŋ1
DuBois 1938/1987: 95 (#1195). Polysemy: 'to see (q.v.) / to know'. Quoted as =iyaŋ / =en-i-a.
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:=gel2
Baird 2008: 50, 198. Polysemy: 'to know / to obtain / to try'.
Cf. also related terms: wˈa 'foliage' [Kratochvíl 2007: 500], [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 135], talˈa 'leaves' [Kratochvíl 2007: 494], [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 121], wa-talˈa 'leaves' [Kratochvíl 2007: 494], [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 121] (a compound of wˈa and talˈa), pitˈiŋ 'broad leaf' [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 105], kalˈey 'leaves, long flat leaves of a plant used for different purposes' [Kratochvíl 2007: 467], [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 64].
Makadai Abui: tˈala Stokhof 1975: 54 (#96). A different term. Can it be a mistaken word for 'leaves' instead of a term for 'a leaf'?
\1:Atimelang Abui\2:Атимеланг Абуи #:ˈata1
Stokhof 1975: 53 (#96) (as ˈatta). The same term is attested in the reduplicated ata-ata 'vegetables' [Nicolspeyer 1940: 157] and siyaŋ ata 'vegetables' [DuBois 1938/1987: 90 (#537)] (siyaŋ 'rice').
In [DuBois 1938/1987: 91 (#746)] and [Nicolspeyer 1940: 175] the word tala is quoted for 'leaf', although it seems to be a mistake: tala probably denotes collective 'leaves' in this dialect, not 'a leaf' (it seems that in Nicolspeyer's text all occurences of tala must be translated as plural 'leaves').
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:wei2
Baird 2008: 226; Stokhof 1975: 48 (#96). Polysemy: 'leaf / roof'. The full collocation for 'leaf' is ete=wei, literally 'leaf of tree' [Baird 2008: 226] with eteʔ 'tree' q.v.
Paneia Klon: way 'leaf' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#96)].
Number:47
Word:lie
\1:Takalelang Abui\2:Такалеланг Абуи:tˈaː1
Kratochvíl 2007: 492; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 117, 118, 223. Applied to humans, animals and things. Polysemy: 'to lie / to sleep (q.v.)'. Paradigm: tˈaː (imperfective) / ta-d-ˈe-y (perfective), class III.C according to [Kratochvíl 2007: 83, 210].
Cf. also ʔˈit 'to lie' applied to inanimate subjects only [Kratochvíl 2007: 465], [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 60].
DuBois 1938/1987: 88 (#148). The word uy means 'back, backside'. The verb loŋ apparently corresponds to Abui Takalelang loŋ 'to be long, lengthy, stretched out' (see notes on 'long'). If this Abui Takalelang word exists, an internal meaning of Atimelang uy ha=loŋ-r-a could be 'to stretch the back (vel sim.)'.
Distinct from reyake 'to lie supine' [DuBois 1938/1987: 88 (#146)] and lasoka 'to lie prone' [DuBois 1938/1987: 88 (#147)].
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:taː1
Baird 2008: 220. Polysemy: 'to lie / to lie down / to sleep (q.v.)'. Cf. the examples: "then she lies down next to her child" [Baird 2008: 112], "Is this kettle sitting, laying or standing?" (sic!) [Baird 2008: 126].
Number:48
Word:liver
\1:Takalelang Abui\2:Такалеланг Абуи:
Not attested.
\1:Atimelang Abui\2:Атимеланг Абуи #:bikamoŋ1
DuBois 1938/1987: 87 (#56). Apparently a compound of bika 'kernel' + moŋ (meaning unknown).
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:nǝbur2
Baird 2008: 214. Looks like a compound (nǝ-bur) with bur 'heart' q.v., although the first element is unclear (formally nǝ-bur is the possessed form 'my heart').
Actually, there are two words glossed as 'liver (Indonesian: hati)' in [Baird 2008]: nǝbur and oːmi. We are forced to treat them as synonyms.
Number:48
Word:liver
\1:Takalelang Abui\2:Такалеланг Абуи:
\1:Atimelang Abui\2:Атимеланг Абуи #:
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:oːmi3
Baird 2008: 217.
Number:49
Word:long
\1:Takalelang Abui\2:Такалеланг Абуи:loh-ˈu1
Kratochvíl 2007: 96, 474; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 78, 223. Polysemy: 'to be long / to be far reaching'. Derived from the verb =lˈoy (imperfective) / lˈoh (perfective) 'to put far, put away'.
Cf. also loŋ 'to be long, lengthy, stretched out' [Kratochvíl 2007: 474] (with an example: ha=wata loŋ "His neck [ha=wata] is long"), however, this translation of loŋ has been changed to 'wounds, injure' in [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 79] with an example: ha=wata loŋ namu "His neck [ha=wata] is all in wounds", although it is, in fact, namu that means 'wound; wounded' [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 94] in this phrase. Abui loŋ 'to be long (spatial)', if exists, resembles English long, although there is no such term in Tok Pisin.
Distinct from luŋ-a 'to be long (temporal)', which is surprisingly missing from the dictionaries [Kratochvíl 2007] & [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008], but is quoted in [Kratochvíl 2007: 433 ex. 48].
Makadai Abui: lˈoh-iʔ Stokhof 1975: 54 (#97). The same term.
A second candidate is odol, glossed as 'tall / long' in [Baird 2008: 215]. Due to this particular sequencing of meanings, we suppose that 'tall' is the primary meaning of odol.
Distinct from the temporal adverb mǝ=lung 'long time (Indonesian: lama)' [Baird 2008: 212], the fossilized form of the verb lung 'to be long (temporal)', modified with the "applicative" prefix [Baird 2008: 27].
DuBois 1938/1987: 92 (#866); Stokhof 1975: 53 (#98). Quoted as bikin 'head louse' in [DuBois 1938/1987], as bikˈeŋ 'louse' (unspecified) in [Stokhof 1975] (in [Stokhof 1975: 53 (#98)] the variant bikˈel is also quoted). Maybe a compound of *bi 'louse' + keŋ (meaning unknown).
Distinct from be 'body louse' [DuBois 1938/1987: 92 (#868)] (as beʔ).
In [Nicolspeyer 1940: 158] be is translated as 'louse' (unspecified) and bikeŋ is translated as 'flea' (i.e. 'animal flea'?).
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:ɔkoin2
Baird 2008: 215; Stokhof 1975: 48 (#98). In [Stokhof 1975], transcribed in the non-harmonized variant akuin. Glossed as 'louse (Indonesian: kutu)'. Cf. the example: "Searching for headlice (ɔkoin) they were sleepy" [118, 185].
A second candidate is or, which is also glossed as 'louse (Indonesian: kutu)' in [Baird 2008: 216], but without examples. It is likely that or actually means 'flea' (no proper terms for 'flea' are documented for Klon, whereas Indonesian kutu may denote both lice and fleas).
Baird 2008: 216. Polysemy: 'man / husband'. Alternatively, the compound om-kǝne 'man' is also used [Baird 2008: 216; Stokhof 1975: 48 (#31)]. The second element kǝne (Stokhof: keni) is also attested in o-kǝneʔ 'woman' q.v.
Distinct from keːk 'male (animal)' [Baird 2008: 206].
Paneia Klon: anim-oh, quoted in the slot 'man / male' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#31)]. A compound, whose first element is also attested in anim-ar 'woman' q.v.
Kratochvíl 2007: 121, 461; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 51, 225. A quantifier. Glossed as 'much, a lot, many, plenty' with examples: "A dog that has many fleas" [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 51]; "Fan Ata hit his dog a lot" [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 51]; "many people came then" [Kratochvíl 2007: 122]; "she drank a lot of water" [Kratochvíl 2007: 122].
Cf. also the reduplicated form beːk-a-bˈeːk-a-d-i 'to become many, much, exceed' [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 37] (quoted with short e-s in [Kratochvíl 2007: 454]) with an example: "He hit canari nuts to drop and so there were many canari nuts (on the ground under the tree)".
Baird 2008: 224. Morphologically, the word can be analyzed as u=bei ~ o=bei with the common verbal prefix u= (valence increasing, according to [Baird 2008: 95 ff.]).
Out of several words glossed as 'many (Indonesian: banyak)' in [Baird 2008], ubei ~ obei ~ obei-bei is exemplified best of all. Because of this, we chose ubei~ obei ~ obei-bei as the default expressions for 'many' (actually with polysemy: 'many / much'). The following examples have been found: "there were very (nah) many (ubey) planks of wood placed there" [Baird 2008: 34], "that's enough, don't take a lot (obey)" [Baird 2008: 171], "we've already carried the lesser amount of his wood, the most (ubey) not yet" [Baird 2008: 88].
A second candidate is geŋ-gǝnok ~ gen-gǝnok 'many (Indonesian: banyak)' [Baird 2008: 198] with the only example: "there were a lot of us, and we walked together" [Baird 2008: 39].
Cf. other related words, but without examples: bar 'many (Indonesian: banyak)' [Baird 2008: 190], idob 'much (Indonesian: banyak)' [Baird 2008: 203] and kar with interesting polysemy 'ten / many' [Baird 2008: 205]
Paneia Klon: rial 'many (Indonesian: banyak)' [Baird 2008: 228]; it is, however, unclear whether rial is the basic Paneia expression for this meaning.
Distinct from lˈoːma 'hill, slope' [Kratochvíl 2007: 474], [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 79], bukit 'hill' [Kratochvíl 2007: 456] (< Indonesian bukit 'hill') and bukˈu 'land, area, country, world' [Kratochvíl 2007: 456], [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 41].
Makadai Abui: bukˈu dalˈela Stokhof 1975: 54 (#54). A different term. Literally 'area' + 'to be high'. The word bukˈu also means 'island' [Stokhof 1975: 54 (#53)].
The sources vary. As in some other such cases, we prefer to follow Stokhof's data. DuBois' translations could to be the result of various misunderstanding: buku 'island / mountain' [DuBois 1938/1987: 93 (#944, 947)], [DuBois 1944: 564 (#20)], loma 'mountain / slope' [DuBois 1938/1987: 93 (#947)] (a synonym of buku) and buku kediŋ 'hill', lit. 'small buku' [DuBois 1938/1987: 93 (#948)].
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:dol3
Baird 2008: 193. Differently in [Stokhof 1975: 48 (#54)], where 'mountain' is quoted as buk.
There is a second word for 'mouth' in [Nicolspeyer 1940: 159]: dah (quoted as daug) 'mouth', dah-lok 'to rinse mouth' (as dauglok; with luok, lok 'to rinse' [Nicolspeyer 1940: 169]). In Nicolspeyer's texts I have only managed to locate the latter word - dahlok (dauglok), which is not clear morphologically, but it is hardly justified to postulate a second term for 'mouth' in such a situation.
Makadai Abui: nˈeʔ Stokhof 1975: 54 (#30). The same term.
\1:Atimelang Abui\2:Атимеланг Абуи #:nˈe1
DuBois 1938/1987: 89 (#239) (as ne); Stokhof 1975: 53 (#30) (as nˈeʔ). In [Nicolspeyer 1940: 163] the same word is quoted as ha=ni-n 'his name' (+ -n '?').
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:neʔ1
Baird 2008: 214; Stokhof 1975: 48 (#30). In [Stokhof 1975], transcribed as nih.
Both dictionaries quote two terms for 'neck' without semantic specification: poss=watˈa [Kratochvíl 2007: 502], [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 138, 227] and poss=rˈaːla ~ poss=rahalˈa [Kratochvíl 2007: 487], [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 107, 227].
Examples for poss=watˈa are more numerous and significant: "the top (lit.: neck) of that tree is bent and comes down towards the west" [Kratochvíl 2007: 149], "the top (lit.: neck) of the tree is leaned away" [Kratochvíl 2007: 495], "when our necks become long and short, you may not become scared" [Kratochvíl 2007: 214], "his neck is long, tall" [Kratochvíl 2007: 470], "his neck is all in wounds" [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 79].
On the contrary, the underlying meaning of poss=rˈaːla ~ poss=rahalˈa 'neck; greedy' is rather 'throat', not 'neck in general', cf.: "Adam's apple" (lit.: 'kernel of the neck') [Kratochvíl 2007: 487]; "some food got stuck in his throat" [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 67], although cf. also "he took a knife and cut off chicken neck" [Kratochvíl 2007: 503]. This word is occasionally translated as 'throat' in [Kratochvíl 2007: 143]. Phonetically it resembles Indonesian leher 'neck'.
Makadai Abui: rˈala Stokhof 1975: 54 (#20). A different term, corresponding to Abui Takalelang poss=rˈaːla ~ poss=rahalˈa 'throat' and Abui Atimelang rolˈa 'neck'.
Distinct from wata 'throat' [Nicolspeyer 1940: 179] and akiŋ tila 'throat' [DuBois 1938/1987: 87 (#37)] (the meaning of the elements is unclear).
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:wat1
Baird 2008: 226; Stokhof 1975: 48 (#20). Glossed as 'neck (Indonesian: leher)'; in [Stokhof 1975], transcribed as wad. Cf. the example "The deer straightened its neck" [Baird 2008: 50]; in the second example in [Baird 2008: 103], wat refers to humans.
The second candidate is dǝloŋ glossed as 'neck (Indonesian: batang leher)' [Baird 2008: 193], but without textual examples.
On the contrary, in [Stokhof 1975: 53 (#102)] 'night' is translated as akˈuni; the word akun-i normally means 'to be dark' [DuBois 1938/1987: 97 (#1403)], cf. its Abui Takalelang counterpart ʔakˈuŋ / ʔakˈun 'to be(come) dark, darken'.
In [Stokhof 1975: 53 (#8, 9)] 'nose' is translated as muŋ-fˈal and 'nostril' as mun-tikˈala (lit. 'hole of the mun/muŋ'). Stokhof's mun/muŋ represents the Common Abui term min (with vowel labialization in contact with a labial, cf. the same effect in fur 'star' q.v., etc.), but the second element fal is obscure.
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:muin1
Baird 2008: 213; Stokhof 1975: 48 (#8). In [Stokhof 1975], transcribed as muyŋ.
Paneia Klon: muyŋ 'nose' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#8)].
Number:62
Word:not
\1:Takalelang Abui\2:Такалеланг Абуи:nahˈa1
Kratochvíl 2007: 277; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 93. Syntactically the word is a verb: 'not to be'.
Cf. the prohibitive particle hˈeʔ 'don't' and the particle of negative answer dˈoːma 'no, don't' [Kratochvíl 2007: 278, 279], [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 46, 57].
Cf. also the particle bey, which can accompany the main negation naha [Nicolspeyer 1940: 171], [Stokhof 1984: 143], the prohibitive particle he 'don't' [Nicolspeyer 1940: 163] and the word doma glossed as 'impossible' in [Nicolspeyer 1940: 160].
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:naŋ1
Baird 2008: 118. The particle naŋ expresses both negation of assertion and the prohibitive. There is also an alternative prohibitive particle eyeh, which expresses a sterner prohibition [Baird 2008: 133].
Nicolspeyer 1940: 157. Also as ama-kaŋ 'person' in [Nicolspeyer 1940: 157], with an unclear second component kaŋ; cf. the same expression ama-kaŋ with the translation 'mankind, people' [DuBois 1938/1987: 89 (#236-238)].
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:ininok2
Baird 2008: 204. Glossed as 'person (Indonesian: orang)'. Morphologically unclear.
A second candidate is meŋ, glossed as 'person' in [Baird 2008: 210], but its Indonesian gloss 'tukang' points to a more specific meaning.
DuBois 1938/1987: 93 (#919); DuBois 1944: 564 (#1, 31); Nicolspeyer 1940: 157; Stokhof 1975: 53 (#52). All sources quote the word as anuy except for ʔanˈuy in [Stokhof 1975: 53].
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:unuːr1
Baird 2008: 225; Stokhof 1975: 48 (#52). In [Stokhof 1975], the non-harmonized variant anur is quoted. Cf. the example "then we burn until the rains come" [Baird 2008: 111].
Makadai Abui: lˈak-e Stokhof 1975: 54 (#103) (as lˈɑqɛ 'path'). A different term. Cf. the paronymous verb lˈak-i 'to go' q.v.
\1:Atimelang Abui\2:Атимеланг Абуи #:lˈela2
Stokhof 1975: 53 (#103) (as lˈelaʔ). As usual, we prefer Stokhof's data to other sources.
In [DuBois 1944: 564 (#2)] and [Nicolspeyer 1940: 174] an unclear word safoka 'path' (Dutch 'pad') is quoted. The word for 'road' is surprisingly absent from [DuBois 1938/1987: 93 (#959)].
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:egeʔ3
Baird 2008: 195; Stokhof 1975: 48 (#103). In [Stokhof 1975], the non-harmonized variant age is quoted.
Paneia Klon: lam, quoted in the slot 'path' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#103)]. Corresponds to the Bring Klon verb lam 'to walk' [Baird 2008: 208].
Makadai Abui: ʔay Stokhof 1975: 54 (#105). The same term.
\1:Atimelang Abui\2:Атимеланг Абуи #:ay1
DuBois 1938/1987: 91 (#742-744); Nicolspeyer 1940: 156; Stokhof 1975: 53 (#105). In [DuBois 1938/1987: 91 (#742-744)] it is quoted as bata ay, i.e. 'tree root'.
Cf. also alˈikaŋ 'root', quoted in [Stokhof 1975: 53] as a synonym of ay.
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:irik2
Baird 2008: 204; Stokhof 1975: 48 (#105).
Paneia Klon: torüip and arik are quoted as synonyms in the slot 'root' in [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#105)].
Number:69
Word:round
\1:Takalelang Abui\2:Такалеланг Абуи:kupˈil1
Kratochvíl 2007: 96, 471; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 73, 236. 'To be round 2D / to be round 3D'.
Distinct from taŋ-a 'to speak' [DuBois 1938/1987: 95 (#1202)], taŋ-a ~ taŋ-e 'to talk with each other, chatter; to ask' [Nicolspeyer 1940: 176] and tut-iŋ 'to speak' [DuBois 1938/1987: 95 (#1202)].
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:huh ~ huih2
Baird 2008: 202.
There are two frequent verbs with the meaning 'to say (Indonesian: bilang)' in Bring Klon. They seem to be complete synonyms: huh ~ huih [Baird 2008: 202] and a=baŋ ~ u=baŋ [Baird 2008: 187] (initial u= is the common valence increasing prefix; the variant a=baŋ is harmonized).
These verbs can be used in the same passage in parallel constructions, e.g., "Then crying using their Malay the angels said (abaŋ): '...'. Then Keterina said (huh) from below in her Klon: '...'" [Baird 2008: 80], "So the ruler said (huh): '...'. The ruler's guards said (abaŋ): '...'" [Baird 2008: 113].
Elsewhere, these two can stay in juxtaposition, functioning as a single predicate, e.g., "so they said (huh abaŋ): 'We'll go first'" [Baird 2008: 182], "Pabgei above Lukbal said (abaŋ), told (huih) saying (abaŋ): 'Ah me here, all the Kui say (huih abaŋ) I'm full of scabies'" [Baird 2008: 141].
Despite the fact that in [Baird 2008: 4], a=baŋ is mentioned as the basic Bring verb for 'to say', browsing through [Baird 2008] demonstrates that huh ~ huih 'to say' is actually much more frequent than a=baŋ ~ u=baŋ in the synchronic language. Apparently a=baŋ ~ u=baŋ is in the state of gradually becoming obsolete, superseded by huh ~ huih as the neutral verb for 'to say'.
The following examples for a=baŋ ~ u=baŋ can be listed: "Ask your brother-in-law saying (abaŋ) that in seven days time you descend to the market" [Baird 2008: 61], "So she said (abaŋ): 'It's true ...'" [Baird 2008: 69], "Then crying using their Malay (the angels) said (abaŋ): '...'" [Baird 2008: 80], "I show you saying (abaŋ): '...'" [Baird 2008: 96], "he would say (abaŋ) again we would die from it" [Baird 2008: 97], "the ruler's guards said (abaŋ): '...'" [Baird 2008: 113], "what did grandmother say (abaŋ)?" [Baird 2008: 130], "They said (abaŋ): 'I walked until I found ...'" [Baird 2008: 148].
Examples for huh ~ huih are much more numerous: "I say (huh) the above so that affinal and cosanguinal kin, you children of now come" [Baird 2008: 51], "he said (huh): 'Ask your brother-in-law...'" [Baird 2008: 61], "then he said (huh): '...'" [Baird 2008: 80], "then Keterina said (huh) from below in her Klon: '...'" [Baird 2008: 80], "Then Buwembui said: '...'" [Baird 2008: 84], "He said (huh): 'I say (huh), I have one thing to say (huh) to you first'" [Baird 2008: 98], "So they said (huih): '...'" [Baird 2008: 106], "So the ruler said (huh): '...'" [Baird 2008: 113], "I said again (huh): 'Ah is that true or not Mum?'" [Baird 2008: 125], "I've just said (huh) a little" [Baird 2008: 131], "It's the history of Peteben that I'm talking about (huh) so listen" [Baird 2008: 133], "don't just search for this thing that we're talking about (huh) until ..." [Baird 2008: 134], "so they told (huh) them" [Baird 2008: 138], "Then he said (huih): 'Old Labegai you come and you take the heads of your corpses'" [Baird 2008: 158], "So they said (huh): 'No problem'" [Baird 2008: 161], "they said (huh): 'Blind eyes, will you climb it?'" [Baird 2008: 171], "he said (huh): 'And that's good, not a lot'" [Baird 2008: 171], "he further said (huh): 'So one or two fruits is good'" [Baird 2008: 171], "Deafy sat above, saying (huh): 'More first'" [Baird 2008: 172], "they said (huh) to each other: 'Just now I said (huh) 'don't!', said (huh) like that, you took (them), so that's that'" [Baird 2008: 172], "they said (huh): 'Then Koimo you go I will watch the eel'" [Baird 2008: 175], "So he said (huh): 'Oh this is good stuff'" [Baird 2008: 176], "the next day they went out and about, and told (huh) people about it" [Baird 2008: 179], "So they said (huh): 'Hey those, kill them first'" [Baird 2008: 182], "Then they said (huh): 'Should we finish you off?'" [Baird 2008: 183], "So they said (huh): 'Our strength is secret'" [Baird 2008: 185].
Additionally, huh ~ huih can be used in the meaning 'to talk' or 'to speak': "Talk (huh) about Probur's" [Baird 2008: 93], "they spoke (huh) foreigner (language) so he watched them" [Baird 2008: 111], "so run, don't talk (huh), but run" [Baird 2008: 114], "The thing they discussed (huh), blindy and deafy" [Baird 2008: 171], "So blindy and deafy talked (huh)" [Baird 2008: 172], "A long time ago, elders say (huh), below at Alauta there were two people there" [Baird 2008: 173], "I've been talking (huh) about a war from long ago" [Baird 2008: 186].
Cf. some additional verbs, which are also glossed as 'to say' by Baird: diʔiri 'to think / to say (Indonesian: bilang) / to agree' [Baird 2008: 193], tǝra ~ tǝrah 'to say (Indonesian: bilang) / to think / to suspect' [Baird 2008: 223].
Paneia Klon: bam, mentioned as the basic Paneia verb for 'to say' in [Baird 2008: 4], although in [Baird 2008: 228], bam is glossed as 'to talk (Indonesian: omong)'. The second Paneia verbum dicendi is hui (a cognate of Bring huh ~ huih), glossed as 'to say' in [Baird 2008: 228], although its Indonesian gloss 'omong' suggests a meaning like 'to talk'.
Number:72
Word:see
\1:Takalelang Abui\2:Такалеланг Абуи:=iyˈén1
Kratochvíl 2007: 465; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 59, 60, 238. Glossed as 'to see, perceive, view'. Polysemy: 'to see / to know (q.v.)'. An alternating verb: =iyˈéŋ (imperfective) / =iyˈén (perfective), class II.C according to [Kratochvíl 2007: 83, 210]. Cf. the paronymous noun poss=iyˈèŋ 'eye' q.v.
Makadai Abui: iyˈen-i Stokhof 1975: 54 (#107, 115, 116). The same term. Cf. the paronymous noun 'eye' q.v.
\1:Atimelang Abui\2:Атимеланг Абуи #:iyeŋ ~ iyaŋ1
DuBois 1938/1987: 96 (#1228); Nicolspeyer 1940: 164; Stokhof 1975: 53 (#107, 115, 116). Polysemy: 'to see / to know (q.v.)'. Cf. the paronymous term for 'eye' q.v. Quoted as iyaŋ / en-i-a 'to know / to see' in [DuBois 1938/1987: 95 (#1195), 96 (1228)], as iyeŋ / iyen-a 'to see' in [Nicolspeyer 1940: 164], as iyˈen-i 'to see' in [Stokhof 1975: 53].
In [Stokhof 1975: 53 (#107)] two synonyms are given for Eng. 'to see': lˈal and iyˈen-i, but in the examples only the second one is used: "I see the snake" [(#115)], "the snake sees me" [(#116)].
A third candidate could be an unclear rey, rey-s-e, rey-s-i 'to see' quoted in [Nicolspeyer 1940: 173].
There are two verbs glossed as 'to see (Indonesian: melihat)' in [Baird 2008: 195, 225]: el and uːr. Apparently, they are close synonyms, both with polysemy: 'to see / to look / to watch'. Nevertheless, only uːr is quoted in [Stokhof 1975: 48], and browsing through [Baird 2008] demonstrates that it is more common than el.
The following examples for uːr 'see' have been found: "You saw me, then you laughed" [Baird 2008: 36], "see him" [Baird 2008: 73], "then she saw the basket was full of faeces" [Baird 2008: 102], "We see ourselves" [Baird 2008: 105], "It saw us and I shook" [Baird 2008: 156], "We both have to see this medicine" [Baird 2008: 177], "We really see it's terrible" [Baird 2008: 182], "the enemy saw them" [Baird 2008: 182], "It looked like when you strike a rock" [Baird 2008: 182], "they saw their hamlet was burning" [Baird 2008: 184], "I see the snake" [Stokhof 1975: 48], "the snake sees me" [Stokhof 1975: 48].
Also for uːr in the meaning 'to look, watch': "I still stood, then the deer looked at me" [Baird 2008: 110], "they spoke foreigner language so he watched them" [Baird 2008: 111], "Before that we shall watch this dog" [Baird 2008: 176].
The amount of available examples for el is more modest: "Joni came and (Joni) saw Peter" [Baird 2008: 37], "those two see (i.e., meet) us first" [Baird 2008: 61], "you go, I will watch the eel" [Baird 2008: 175].
Kratochvíl 2007: 455; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 39, 238. Glossed as 'seed, seeds, seed for sowing'. Cf. the paronymous verb bˈiŋ / bˈin 'to plant at, sow'.
Cf. also the term batˈa ~ batˈà 'core, seed' (of a fruit etc.) ([Kratochvíl 2007: 453]; [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 36]).
\1:Atimelang Abui\2:Атимеланг Абуи #:ti2
Nicolspeyer 1940: 177.
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:mem3
Baird 2008: 210. There are two nouns glossed as 'seed (Indonesian: biji)' in [Baird 2008: 210, 224]: mem and tǝrop. The difference between them is not documented, but, since tǝrop shows polysemy: 'bone / seed' [Baird 2008: 223-224], it is quite likely that its actual botanic meaning is 'seed of fruit', not 'seed of plant'.
Cf. also the word aŋ 'seeds (Indonesian: bibit)' [Baird 2008: 189], whose exact meaning is unclear.
Number:74
Word:sit
\1:Takalelang Abui\2:Такалеланг Абуи:mˈit1
Kratochvíl 2007: 478; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 88, 240. Polysemy: 'to sit / to sit down'.
Makadai Abui: mit Stokhof 1975: 54 (#59). The same term.
Kratochvíl 2007: 471, 523; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 73, 240. One example found: "lips", literally: 'skin of the mouth'. Apparently this is the main word for 'human skin' in Abui (kˈul is the only word for 'skin' quoted in the English-Abui index in [Kratochvíl 2007: 523]). Borrowed from Indonesian kulit 'skin'.
Another candidate is foh-ˈu 'peel, skin, sheel' (← fˈoy / fˈoh 'to peel') which can sometimes be applied to a human (an example: "pouches under eyes", lit.: 'skin of the eyes') [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 53], but we prefer to exclude it from the list.
Cf. the inherited terms kˈay 'tree bark / fruit peel' [Kratochvíl 2007: 466; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 63, 199], kˈuy 'to peel, take off skin' [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 72].
Makadai Abui: kˈul Stokhof 1975: 54 (#29). The same loanword.
DuBois 1938/1987: 88 (#121) (kuli); Nicolspeyer 1940: 168 (kul). Polysemy: 'skin / bark (q.v.)'. Borrowed from Indonesian kulit 'skin'.
In [Stokhof 1975: 53 (#29)], 'skin' is translated as pˈosiŋ, whereas the common term is attested in wˈa-kˈuli 'lip' [Stokhof 1975: 53 (#13)], lit. 'mouth's skin'.
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:kui1
Baird 2008: 207. Glossed as 'skin (Indonesian: kulit)'. Also attested in eteʔ=kui 'bark' q.v., literally 'tree's skin'.
However, in [Stokhof 1975: 48 (#29)], an Indonesian loanword is quoted in the slot 'skin': kwilʔ (sic!). Borrowed from Indonesian kulit 'skin'.
The second inherited word for 'skin' is ʔeh, which is also glossed as 'skin (Indonesian: kulit)' in [Baird 2008: 219]. The difference between kui and ʔeh is not documented, but, since ʔeh is not quoted in [Stokhof 1975], we prefer not to include it in our list.
Distinct from the more specific hǝloŋ, glossed as 'skin' in [Baird 2008: 201]; its Indonesian gloss 'kulit luar' suggests the translation 'epidermis'.
Paneia Klon: kul 'skin' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#29)]. Borrowed from Indonesian kulit 'skin'.
Number:76
Word:sleep
\1:Takalelang Abui\2:Такалеланг Абуи:tˈaː1
Kratochvíl 2007: 492; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 117, 118, 240. Polysemy: 'to lie (q.v.) / to sleep'. Paradigm: tˈaː (imperfective) / ta-d-ˈe-y (perfective), class III.C according to [Kratochvíl 2007: 83, 210].
Makadai Abui: ta Stokhof 1975: 54 (#60). The same term.
\1:Atimelang Abui\2:Атимеланг Абуи #:ta1
DuBois 1938/1987: 88 (#138); Nicolspeyer 1940: 175; Stokhof 1975: 53 (#60). Quoted as taʔ in [DuBois 1938/1987], as tɑɑ in [Stokhof 1975], as ta / ta-d-e in [Nicolspeyer 1940].
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:taː1
Baird 2008: 220; Stokhof 1975: 48 (#60). Polysemy: 'to lie / to lie down / to sleep'. Cf. the example: "then we slept there until day" [Baird 2008: 156].
Paneia Klon: ta 'to sleep' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#60)].
Number:77
Word:small
\1:Takalelang Abui\2:Такалеланг Абуи:kidˈiŋ1
Kratochvíl 2007: 96, 469; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 69, 241. Verbal stem: 'to be small'. This is the basic expression for 'small, little', opposed to fok-ˈa 'to be big' (q.v.), as noted in [Kratochvíl 2007: 96]. Cf. also the following examples: "small hammers, big (fok-ˈa) hammers, they came down to Yoimang, carried everything up to Kafak Beka" [Kratochvíl 2007: 422]; "window" (literally 'small entrance') vs. "door" (literally 'big [fok-ˈa] entrance') [Kratochvíl 2007: 448]; "I buy a small book" [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 69]; "small house" [Kratochvíl 2007: 159]; "the small fish are already stuck on (a bamboo)" [Kratochvíl 2007: 222]; "people [...] went to a small village named Fe Fui" [Kratochvíl 2007: 424].
A second candidate is ʔamˈek / ʔamˈet 'to be(come) small, little' ([Kratochvíl 2007: 450]; [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 28]), which is apparently less frequent and less neutral; cf. the attested examples: "one toy [lit.: 'small'] car drove out (pushed itself) and left" [Kratochvíl 2007: 304], "small pieces of iron, they also took them to make arrows for people, knifes and machetes" [Kratochvíl 2007: 423].
A third candidate is minak- 'to be small, be tiny' ([Kratochvíl 2007: 478]; [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 88]) which also seems to be infrequent and hints at a more specific semantics, cf. the attested examples: "his small intestine", "small crocodile (about small children that like to eat a lot)" [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 88].
Cf. the quantifier kabˈey 'little, few, a bit' ([Kratochvíl 2007: 466], [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 62]), opposed to farˈiŋ 'many' q.v., with the following examples: "we are going to shoot at something small" [Kratochvíl 2007: 288]; "give me some water!" [Kratochvíl 2007: 100]; "Fani, father will first take a piece [lit.: 'a little'] of banana, when it is so, you go on" [Kratochvíl 2007: 108]; "that fish from earlier on (I talked about before), it is actually a bit smelly" [Kratochvíl 2007: 115]; "look at that little banana (trunk)" [Kratochvíl 2007: 123]; "you go and search for the fish a little bit" [Kratochvíl 2007: 123], etc.
Cf. also kabei [Nicolspeyer 1940: 165], kabi [DuBois 1938/1987: 97 (#1340)] 'few, a little'.
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:kekein2
Baird 2008: 205; Stokhof 1975: 48 (#108).
There is a number of Bring Klon adjectives glossed as 'small (Indonesian: kecil)' in [Baird 2008]. All of them are poorly exemplified, so it is impossible to make a choice. We treat kekein and mǝnaːk as synonyms, because each of them is illustrated by two reliable examples: "One of the posts of the storehouse is small (kekein) (i.e., smaller than the others)" [Baird 2008: 57], "we have small (kekein) stomachs, we couldn't finish eating it" [Baird 2008: 171], "we make firewood from all the small (mǝnaːk) branches" [Baird 2008: 40], "he chewed a small (mǝnaːk) type of chilli and spat it in his eyes" [Baird 2008: 147]. It should be noted that kekein is quoted as a basic term for 'small' in [Stokhof 1975].
A third candidate is kǝnis ~ kǝnit [Baird 2008: 207] with the only example "bring the machete so that we can cut this small (kǝnis) branch" [Baird 2008: 83].
The word kǝdiŋ, glossed as 'small (Indonesian: kecil)' in [Baird 2008: 205], shows only the meaning 'a little bit': "they couldn't sleep, not even a little bit (kǝdiŋ)" [Baird 2008: 183], "you can't sleep, not even a little bit (kǝdiŋ)" [Baird 2008: 184].
No examples have been found for eleb 'small' [Baird 2008: 195].
Distinct from waŋ 'middle-sized, small' [Baird 2008: 14, 226].
Distinct from the specific expressions for 'a few, a little, a little bit (Indonesian: sedikit)': tuaŋ [Baird 2008: 224], ipit [Baird 2008: 204].
Makadai Abui: tˈika Stokhof 1975: 54 (#109). The same term.
\1:Atimelang Abui\2:Атимеланг Абуи #:tikˈa1
DuBois 1938/1987: 90 (#482); Stokhof 1975: 53 (#109). In [DuBois 1938/1987] this term is quoted as artiga - apparently a corruption of ara tika, litearlly 'fire's smoke'.
Cf. also foŋ 'smoke', quoted in [Stokhof 1975: 53] as a synonym of tikˈa.
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:bon2
Baird 2008: 191; Stokhof 1975: 48 (#109). Polysemy: 'smoke / smell'. The compound ada-bon 'smoke', literally 'smoke of fire', is also used [Baird 2008: 44].
Distinct from daːp [Baird 2008: 192], glossed as 'smoke', but the Indonesian gloss 'isap' suggests the specific verbal meaning 'to inhale and exhale smoke'.
Baird 2008: 212; Stokhof 1975: 48 (#110). Polysemy: 'to stand / to stand up', applied to animate and inanimate subjects. Cf. some examples: "I stood at the top of the tree" [Baird 2008: 37], "I still stood, then the deer looked at me" [Baird 2008: 110], "when she lived, she walked, she stood" [Baird 2008: 51], "Are those two standing following each other or walking straight" [Baird 2008: 54], "The three of them came, those three anchored then they got up (mǝteh) and they went ..." [Baird 2008: 79], "It's the two baby roosters that are standing quietly over there" [Baird 2008: 87], "This standing here, tall grass, ... we use it to roof houses" [Baird 2008: 45], "So until now this palm is still standing here" [Baird 2008: 85]. Cf. also the paronymous verb mǝte̝-n with polysemy 'to build / to stand' [Baird 2008: 212].
Distinct from the more specific verbs ihih 'to stand up, get up' [Baird 2008: 55, 203], dob 'to stand up / straight' [Baird 2008: 193].
Cf. also yah 'stone' [Nicolspeyer 1940: 165] (transcribed as jaug); according to Nicolspeyer's texts, the exact translation of yah is rather 'big stone, rock', cf., e.g., "When they returned to fight, Lomai was sleeping under a rock" [Nicolspeyer 1940: 107, 144].
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:wɔr1
Baird 2008: 227; Stokhof 1975: 48 (#55). Glossed as 'stone' or 'rock (Indonesian: batu)'. This is the basic term for 'stone', cf. the following examples: "They caught an eel and they killed it putting a stone on top of it" [Baird 2008: 174], "then Kalok shot it (i.e., the eel) dead again and placed a stone on top of it" [Baird 2008: 175], "then they placed them, they arranged stones inside" [Baird 2008: 179], "there were rays like lightening; it looked like when you strike a stone" [Baird 2008: 182], "so their mothers put (big) stones under the two men's big toes" [Baird 2008: 185].
Distinct from pǝlek, which is also glossed as 'stone (Indonesian: batu)' in [Baird 2008: 218], but without textual examples.
Paneia Klon: wer 'stone' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#55)].
Number:82
Word:sun
\1:Takalelang Abui\2:Такалеланг Абуи:wˈar1
Kratochvíl 2007: 502; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 138, 245. Polysemy: 'sun / day', although there exists another word for 'day': tadˈeŋ ([Kratochvíl 2007: 493]; [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 118]).
Makadai Abui: wˈar ~ wˈar-i Stokhof 1975: 54 (#50) (as ŭwˈær ~ ŭwˈɑri). The same term.
\1:Atimelang Abui\2:Атимеланг Абуи #:wˈar-i1
DuBois 1938/1987: 93 (#906) (as wariʔ); Nicolspeyer 1940: 179; Stokhof 1975: 53 (#50). Polysemy: 'sun / day' [Nicolspeyer 1940: 179], although in [DuBois 1938/1987: 97 (#1394)] 'day' is translated as tadeŋ.
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:mǝdiʔ1
Baird 2008: 210; Stokhof 1975: 48 (#50). Polysemy: 'sun / day', although there is also another word for 'day': il [Baird 2008: 203]. Except for nasalization, regularly corresponds to Paneia Klon wed 'sun' and other Alor-Pantar forms [Holton et al. 2012: 98].
Paneia Klon: wed 'sun' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#50)]. Distinct from gi 'day' [Baird 2008: 228].
Number:83
Word:swim
\1:Takalelang Abui\2:Такалеланг Абуи:ʔayˈon1
Kratochvíl 2007: 452; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 32, 245. Polysemy: 'to swim / to dive'. An alternating verb: ʔayˈoŋ (imperfective) / ʔayˈon (perfective), class II.C according to [Kratochvíl 2007: 83, 210]. Distinct from =rˈuŋ, ruŋ-r-ˈi 'to dip, dive' ([Kratochvíl 2007: 490]; [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 112]).
\1:Atimelang Abui\2:Атимеланг Абуи #:tel-a2
DuBois 1938/1987: 88 (#153). DuBois quotes two verbs as synonyms: tela and ruŋra. The former probably corresponds to the verb tel with the generic meaning 'to pull, tug towards oneself' [Nicolspeyer 1940: 176] and to Abui Takalelang tel-a-ŋ 'to pull at, tug at' ([Kratochvíl 2007: 496]; [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 125]). The former ruŋ-r-a corresponds to Abui Takalelang =rˈuŋ, ruŋ-r-ˈi 'to dip, dive'. It may be suspected that ruŋ-r-a is DuBois' imprecise glossing of English 'to swim', therefore we prefer to exclude ruŋ-r-a from the list.
Baird 2008: 215. Provisionally we take this word as the basic term for 'tail', although no textual examples have been found.
A second candidate is gɔr, attested as 'tail' at least in application to eels [Baird 2008: 175]. In the glossary section, however, gɔr is translated as 'end of hamlet' [Baird 2008: 199]; this suggests that the main meaning of gɔr is 'end, edge, tip'. There is also a compound gɔr-kei (the second element is unclear), glossed as 'tail' in [Baird 2008: 17, 199], although its Indonesian gloss 'ekor panjang tajam' points to something like 'long sharp tail'.
Number:85
Word:that
\1:Takalelang Abui\2:Такалеланг Абуи:o1
Kratochvíl 2007: 112.
As outlined in [Kratochvíl 2007: 110 ff.], Abui Takalelang deictic demonstratives vary on three axes: horizontal parameter (proximal, medial, distal), vertical parameter (low, neutral, high), viewpoint (speaker oriented, addressee oriented). In their turn, anaphoric demonstratives vary on two axes: spatial/discourse location (proximal-definite, medial-definite, distal-indefinite), viewpoint (speaker oriented, addressee oriented). It is not easy to put such a system into the "Procrustean" Swadesh mould.
First, we exclude forms that differ by the vertical parameter: ò 'that (far below)', ó 'that (far high)', wò 'that (far away below)', wó 'that (far away high)'.
Second, we reject addressee-oriented demonstratives, because the basic lexicon per se is not only anthropocentric, but eventually egocentric. That is, the following forms are excluded: to 'this (near you)', yo 'that (far from you)'
Thus, we prefer to use the following Abui Atimelang form for Swadesh 'this': do 'this (near me)'; and the following Abui Atimelang forms for Swadesh 'that': o 'that (far from me)', oro 'that (far away from us)'.
\1:Atimelang Abui\2:Атимеланг Абуи #:it=o1
DuBois 1938/1987: 97 (#1385-1386) (as itoʔ). DuBois quotes two forms, it=o and oro-n, without comments; apparently the former denotes medial deixis, the latter one - distal deixis. We treat both as synonyms. The initial element it is the verbal root 'to lie on, lie down' (cf. [Kratochvíl 2007: 465] for its Abui Takalelang counterpart).
Baird 2008: 58. As noted in [Baird 2008: 58 ff.], there are two sets of demonstrative pronouns on the horizontal axis: proximal 'this' oŋ, yoŋ, oŋ-o, yoŋ-o / distal 'that' op, yop, op-o, yop-o, po (as one can see, the two sets are symmetric except for the additional distal po). The difference between the variants is not described by Baird.
In addition to this, two anaphoric pronouns (o ~ wo, yo) are also used. In the light of this fact, it is likely that the aforementioned horizontal demonstratives are actually recent compounds of these deictic o ~ wo & yo plus the meaningful elements ŋ (proximal) and p (distal), i.e.:
1) proximal 'this' o=ŋ, yo=ŋ, o=ŋ-o, yo=ŋ-o;
2) distal 'that' o=p, yo=p, o=p-o, yo=p-o, p-o.
Distinct from the demonstrative pronouns of the vertical axis, which, likewise, represent compounds of various deictic morphemes [Baird 2008: 61]:
1) 'above' series ta, ta-le, ta-ŋ, a-ta-l;
2) 'below' series ya, la-le, ta-po, po-wo.
Number:85
Word:that
\1:Takalelang Abui\2:Такалеланг Абуи:oro2
Kratochvíl 2007: 112.
\1:Atimelang Abui\2:Атимеланг Абуи #:oro-n2
DuBois 1938/1987: 97 (#1385-1386). The final -n is unclear.
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:
Number:86
Word:this
\1:Takalelang Abui\2:Такалеланг Абуи:do1
Kratochvíl 2007: 112. See notes on 'that'.
\1:Atimelang Abui\2:Атимеланг Абуи #:it=do1
DuBois 1938/1987: 97 (#1383). The initial element it is the verbal root 'to lie on, lie down' (cf. [Kratochvíl 2007: 465] for its Abui Takalelang counterpart).
DuBois 1938/1987: 97 (#1359); Stokhof 1984: 125; Nicolspeyer 1940: 160. In [DuBois 1938/1987: 97 (#1359)] the variant he-do is also quoted. The final -d-o is an auxiliary verbal element (cf. [Kratochvíl 2007: 457] for the corresponding Abui Takalelang data).
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:aː-n ~ a1
Baird 2008: 67. The actor form. Baird notes that the reduced variant a is more informal. The undergoer verb prefix 'thee' is V- [Baird 2008: 69]; the possessive 'thy' is e- ~ i- [Baird 2008: 90].
Kratochvíl 2007: 454; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 36, 248. Polysemy: 'wood, log, plank, board / tree / tree trunk'. This is the basic word for '(standing/living) tree' as is proved by many examples, cf.: "some trees are standing over there" [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 36]; "climb some tree over there!" [Kratochvíl 2007: 117]; "branch of a big tree" [Kratochvíl 2007: 147]; "back side of two trees" [Kratochvíl 2007: 148]; "the top of that tree is bent and comes down towards the west" [Kratochvíl 2007: 149]; "seed of a tree" [Kratochvíl 2007: 150]; "if he climbs the tree, people would shoot him" [Kratochvíl 2007: 211]; "the yellow pumpkin has grows over the tree" [Kratochvíl 2007: 248]; "that big tree fell on the house" [Kratochvíl 2007: 250]; "children were playing under the tree, when it broke on them" [Kratochvíl 2007: 355].
Another candidate is ʔiyˈa ([Kratochvíl 2007: 465]; [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 60, 248]) 'trunk / tree', but the only example found is "coconut tree" [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 60]. Occasionally glossed as 'tree stem, trunk' in [Kratochvíl 2007: 59].
Makadai Abui: batˈaʔ Stokhof 1975: 54 (#44). The same term. A translation of the English entry 'tree/wood'.
\1:Atimelang Abui\2:Атимеланг Абуи #:iyˈer-i2
Stokhof 1975: 53 (#44). The sources vary. As in some other such cases we prefer to follow Stokhof's data.
In [DuBois 1938/1987: 91 (#734, 735)] 'wood (timber)' is translated as bata, whereas 'tree' is glossed as bata ya (probably a compound contraction < bata iya). In her turn, Nicolspeyer translates iya as 'trunk of a tree' [Nicolspeyer 1940: 165] and tey as 'wood (forest); tree' [Nicolspeyer 1940: 176].
Stokhof's iyˈer-i (if it is segmentable as iyˈe-r-i) can contain the same root iya.
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:eteʔ ~ ʔeteʔ3
Baird 2008: 196; Stokhof 1975: 48 (#44). In [Stokhof 1975], transcribed as ǝtey. Polysemy: 'tree / wood'. Browsing through [Baird 2008] suggests that it is the default expression for 'tree', cf. the examples: "Deer and pig came, I was scared, I climbed a tree" [Baird 2008: 31], "This is jackfruit sap, we can put it up on tree branches" [Baird 2008: 53], "There are two pigs in this photo and one person standing near a tree" [Baird 2008: 123], "this tree is called 'red wood'" [Baird 2008: 130], "Those three walked until (they were) beneath the fruit tree" [Baird 2008: 150], "This one who is the picker up the tree" [Baird 2008: 151], "then he looked into the tree hole" [Baird 2008: 152], "They just built (a fence) with a tree" [Baird 2008: 159]. Additionally, eteʔ is also used in the expressions for 'bark' q.v. (eteʔ=kuy, literally 'skin of tree'; ete=wak, literally 'hug of tree') and 'leaf' q.v. (ete=wey, literally 'leaf of tree').
Distinct from bok [Baird 2008: 191], attested in specific trees names: tomlir bok 'tomlir-tree' [Baird 2008: 99], ata bok 'coconut tree' [Baird 2008: 189], 'kapok tree' [Baird 2008: 59].
Distinct from yar ~ yaːr 'trunk (Indonesian: batang pohon)' [Baird 2008: 64, 227]; it also serves as a noun classifier 'trees' [Baird 2008: 64]. Cf. the discovered examples: "So all those people who go shooting use the kapok tree as a hunting hide and they sit there" [Baird 2008: 84], "Her hair fell down (below) the kapok tree" [Baird 2008: 120].
Paneia Klon: atey, quoted in the slot 'tree / wood' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#44)].
Makadai Abui: ayokˈu Stokhof 1975: 54 (#63). The same term.
\1:Atimelang Abui\2:Атимеланг Абуи #:ayuku1
DuBois 1938/1987: 96 (#1294); Nicolspeyer 1940: 156. In [Stokhof 1975: 53 (#63)] this word is glossed as ˈoki (the form is obviously related to Common Abui ayuku/ayoku, but details are unclear).
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:orok1
Baird 2008: 62. In [Stokhof 1975: 48 (#63)], quoted as ǝru, apparently an error.
Paneia Klon: ǝrak 'two' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#63)].
Number:92
Word:walk (go)
\1:Takalelang Abui\2:Такалеланг Абуи:yˈaː1
Kratochvíl 2007: 503; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 140, 215. An alternating verb: yˈaː (imperfective) / yˈaː-r (perfective), class II.E according to [Kratochvíl 2007: 83, 210]. Cf. the paronymous noun yˈaː 'road' q.v.
Cf. also a more specific verb lˈol 'to walk, wander' [Kratochvíl 2007: 474], [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 79].
Makadai Abui: lˈak-i Stokhof 1975: 54 (#91). A different term, corresponding to Abui Takalelang lˈàk 'to leave for (towards a deictic centre)', Abui Atimelang lak ~ lak-e '(verb of motion)' (see notes on 'come').
\1:Atimelang Abui\2:Атимеланг Абуи #:ya1
Stokhof 1975: 53 (#91). See notes on 'to come'.
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:agai2
Baird 2008: 188; Stokhof 1975: 48 (#91). There are two main candidates for the generic verb 'to go' in Bring Klon: agai and waː, both are glossed as 'to go (Indonesian: pergi)' in [Baird 2008: 188, 226].
Cf. some examples for agai 'to go': "Miss Keterina come up so that we go!" [Baird 2008: 68], "until they went over there to the male elders" [Baird 2008: 88], "It was (= it went to) garden-clearing season" [Baird 2008: 55], "the ruler ordered his guards to go to Keterina" [Baird 2008: 113], "I can go and help them" [Baird 2008: 139], "go to the market and buy fish" [Baird 2008: 140]. Actually, agai is a very common word in Bring Klon: it has been grammaticalized as a perfective exponent [Baird 2008: 114] and as the adverb 'until', and it is also the default verb in directional serial verb constructions [Baird 2008: 145].
Cf. some examples for waː 'to go': "No, they didn't go" [Baird 2008: 31], "So the younger brother went, ah the lemon thorns stabbed him here and stabbed him there" [Baird 2008: 72], "Go and get that jumping ball and bring it" [Baird 2008: 121], "Pransina went and hit her three times" [Baird 2008: 162], "then they went to the source of the river" [Baird 2008: 174], "Those two went in close to them, they went and cut straight" [Baird 2008: 183].
We treat agai and waː as synonyms.
There is a number of additional verbs, glossed as 'to go (Indonesian: pergi)' in [Baird 2008], but without good examples: ip [Baird 2008: 204], rap [Baird 2008: 219], tawaː [Baird 2008: 220].
Distinct from the more specific verbs aːp 'to step, go' [Baird 2008: 190] and lam 'to walk' [Baird 2008: 208], cf., e.g., "So we walked (lam), we went reaching (the place of the fallen trees)" [Baird 2008: 34].
Kratochvíl 2007: 473; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 78, 251. Polysemy: 'to be warm / to be hot'. An antonym to palˈaːt-a 'to be cold' q.v. [Kratochvíl 2007: 96].
Makadai Abui: lˈilaʔ Stokhof 1975: 54 (#112). The same term.
\1:Atimelang Abui\2:Атимеланг Абуи #:lˈil-a1
DuBois 1938/1987: 94 (#1104-1105) (as lilaʔ); Stokhof 1975: 53 (#112) (as lˈilaʔ). Polysemy: 'to be warm / to be hot' [DuBois 1938/1987: 102 (fn. 122)].
There are two words glossed as 'hot (Indonesian: panas)' in [Baird 2008: 202, 224]: hǝrak and tut; out of them, only tut is quoted in [Stokhof 1975] (for the slot 'warm'). Cf. the discovered example for tut: "to cook, to boil water, to heat (tut) water, we eat and drink' [Baird 2008: 41].
The exact meaning of hǝrak is unclear, in the available examples hǝrak is only applied to humans: "he is hot" [Baird 2008: 76], "The sun heats (hǝrak) me up" [Baird 2008: 76], "The fire makes me (unbearably) hot (hǝrak)" [Baird 2008: 76].
Kratochvíl 2007: 77; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 10, 95. Exclusive (erroneously glossed as inclusive in [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 95]).
\1:Atimelang Abui\2:Атимеланг Абуи #:ni ~ nu-fa1
Nicolspeyer 1940: 172. Clusivity is unspecified in [Nicolspeyer 1940: 172]. In [DuBois 1938/1987: 97 (#1366)] 'we (excl.)' is translated as pi-do (cf. the inclusive form below), which seems to be erroneous.
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:nǝ-gi ~ ni1
Baird 2008: 67. The exclusive actor form of the plural pronoun (may refer to dual or multiple subject). Baird notes that the reduced variant ni is more informal; the hortative variant is nǝga. The undergoer verb prefix 'us (excl.)' is nǝg- [Baird 2008: 69].
There is also a specific dual actor form: nǝgǝ-le 'we two (excl.)' [Baird 2008: 76].
DuBois 1938/1987: 97 (#1365); Stokhof 1984: 125; Nicolspeyer 1940: 173. Clusivity is unspecified in [Nicolspeyer 1940: 172]. The final -d-o is an auxiliary verbal element (cf. [Kratochvíl 2007: 457] for Abui Takalelang data).
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:pi-n ~ pi2
Baird 2008: 67. The inclusive actor form of the plural pronoun (may refer to dual or multiple subject). Baird notes that the reduced variant pi is more informal; the hortative variant is pa. The undergoer verb prefix 'us (incl.)' is t- [Baird 2008: 69].
There is also a specific dual actor form pǝ-le 'we two (incl.)' [Baird 2008: 76].
Baird 2008: 216; Stokhof 1975: 48 (#32). A compound, whose second element kǝneʔ (Stokhof: keni) is also attested in om-kǝne 'man' q.v.
In fact, there are two nouns glossed as 'woman (Indonesian: perempuan)' in [Baird 2008: 216, 217]: o-kǝneʔ 'wowan' and oːl 'woman / wife'. In [Stokhof 1975], only o-kǝneʔ is quoted for the slot 'woman'; on the contrary, in [Baird 2008: 64], oːl is discussed as the generic term for 'woman'.
Cf. the attested examples: "One large woman (oːl) is very well dressed and maybe going out" [Baird 2008: 118], "the woman (oːl) didn't want ..." [Baird 2008: 121], "The ruler called them, so the women (okǝneʔ) came" [Baird 2008: 80].
We are forced to treat o-kǝneʔ and oːl as synonyms.
Paneia Klon: anim-ar, quoted in the slot 'woman / female' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#32)]. A compound, whose first element is also attested in anim-oh 'man' q.v.
Dictionaries quote two words for 'yellow' without any specifications:
1) mea-kilˈay 'to be yellow, have the colour of ripe mango' ([Kratochvíl 2007: 477]; [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 86, 253]) ← mˈea 'mango' + kil-ˈa-y 'to drop off, fall off' (i.e. 'ripe mango ready to fall down'). An example: "tree leaves are yellow".
2) ʔadˈet 'pumpkin, yellow vegetable / yellow colour, the same colour as a ripe pumpkin' ([Kratochvíl 2007: 447]; [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 22, 253]). An example: "One yellow ball, and a red one".
Both expressions are apparently innovative. We treat them as synonyms.
Kratochvíl 2007: 96, 457; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 42, 212. Verbal stem: 'to be far, be in a remote place'. Note the place of stress. Maybe derived from buwˈok 'to ambush, lie in wait, lurk'. Opposite to pek-ˈa 'to be near' (q.v.) [Kratochvíl 2007: 96].
\1:Atimelang Abui\2:Атимеланг Абуи #:
Unattested.
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:let2
Baird 2008: 209. Glossed as 'far (Indonesian: jauh)'. Cf. the attested examples: "his place was very far" [Baird 2008: 39], "we wouldn't come up (again) it was so far" [Baird 2008: 155].
Paneia Klon: ponah 'far (Indonesian: jauh)' [Baird 2008: 228]. This word is also attested in Bring Klon in the following example: "they were hungry and thirsty, they had walked a long way (ponah)" [Baird 2008: 171].
Number:102
Word:heavy
\1:Takalelang Abui\2:Такалеланг Абуи:tihˈay1
Kratochvíl 2007: 496; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 125, 218. Polysemy: 'heavy / serious / difficult'. Cf. the following examples: "These five big drums are heavy" [Kratochvíl 2007: 504]; "Heavy or light, we shall carry together" [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 129].
\1:Atimelang Abui\2:Атимеланг Абуи #:tuhoy1
DuBois 1938/1987: 94 (#1095) (as tuhoyʔ).
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:tǝkoːr1
Baird 2008: 222.
Number:103
Word:near
\1:Takalelang Abui\2:Такалеланг Абуи:pˈeːk-a1
Kratochvíl 2007: 96, 485; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 103, 227. Verbal stem: 'to be near'. There is also a shortened form pˈe 'to be near' ([Kratochvíl 2007: 96]; [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 103]), but this is probably secondary. Apparently derived from pˈeːk ~ pˈek 'to approach'. Opposite to buwˈok-a 'to be far' q.v. [Kratochvíl 2007: 96].
\1:Atimelang Abui\2:Атимеланг Абуи #:niŋ2
Nicolspeyer 1940: 172.
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:ab3
Baird 2008: 187. There are several words glossed as 'close (Indonesian: dekat)' in [Baird 2008], out of which ab seems to be the most common, cf. the attested examples: "Two nights ago Mr Official M.U. came looking for us approaching (ab) our leader" [Baird 2008: 33], "There are two pigs in this photo and one person standing near (ab) a tree" [Baird 2008: 123], "If I'm staying close to (ab) them then I can ..." [Baird 2008: 139], "they approached (ab) the wood that had been placed and they lifted" [Baird 2008: 179], "so those who carried approached (ab) and they sat down" [Baird 2008: 180], "so they went and approached each other, got closer (ab) to each other" [Baird 2008: 182].
Other candidates are dale 'close (Indonesian: dekat)' [Baird 2008: 192] with two dubious examples "Their backs face Y, their backs are over there close to (dale) Y's house" [Baird 2008: 92], "The mug is on the left (i.e., close to the left side; dale)" [Baird 2008: 130]; dan 'close (Indonesian: dekat)' [Baird 2008: 192]; tǝdiŋ 'parallel / close by (Indonesian: dekat)' [Baird 2008: 221].
Number:104
Word:salt
\1:Takalelang Abui\2:Такалеланг Абуи:ʔatˈi1
Kratochvíl 2007: 451; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 31, 237. The term represents an old Austronesian loanword.
\1:Atimelang Abui\2:Атимеланг Абуи #:ati1
DuBois 1938/1987: 90 (#563).
Note that in [Nicolspeyer 1940: 162] quite a different term for 'salt' is quoted: fut.
DuBois 1938/1987: 94 (#1065-1066) (as buyʔ); Nicolspeyer 1940: 159. Polysemy: 'to be short (spatial) / to be short (temporal) / to be low' [DuBois 1938/1987: 94 (#1065-1066, 1088)].
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:tuk2
Baird 2008: 224. Glossed as 'short (Indonesian: pendek)'. Cf. the attested examples: "From those siblings the elder is shorter/shortest (tu-tuk)" [Baird 2008: 57], "he took the machete and shortened (tuk) the branch" [Baird 2008: 100].
A second candidate is ur, reduplicated u-ʔur ~ u-ur 'short (Indonesian: pendek)' [Baird 2008: 225] with the example "This they finish cutting then they clean it, all this hasn't been cut yet, it's still short (u-ur)" [Baird 2008: 116]. We are forced to treat tuk and ur as synonyms.
Paneia Klon: mun 'snake' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#115-117)].
Number:107
Word:thin
\1:Takalelang Abui\2:Такалеланг Абуи:patak-ˈa1
Kratochvíl 2007: 485; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 102, 247. Verbal stem: 'to be flattened, thin' (i.e. 'thin 2D'). This is the only word for 'thin', found in sources.
Cf. also the verb =fˈol / fˈor 'to make thin' [Kratochvíl 2007: 246], 'to separate, thin plane, shave, hack off, cut away' [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 54, 55].
\1:Atimelang Abui\2:Атимеланг Абуи #:fol-i2
DuBois 1938/1987: 94 (#1070).
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:
Not documented. Cf. moːt, glossed as 'thin (Indonesian: kurus)' [Baird 2008: 212], i.e. 'skinny, slender'.
DuBois 1938/1987: 93 (#928) (as timuy); Stokhof 1975: 53 (#114) (as timˈoyĭ). In [Nicolspeyer 1940: 177] timoy is translated as 'breath'.
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:nǝme̝r ~ nǝmer1
Baird 2008: 23, 214; Stokhof 1975: 48 (#114). Forms with sporadic nasal assimilation. It is interesting that in [Martis et al. 2000: 69] (an unreliable source), this word is quoted as himor, which is actually an etymologically expected variant.
Kratochvíl 2007: 491; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 115, 252. Glossed as 'worm', Indonesian 'cacing'. Morphologically unclear. Resembles Dutch spiraal 'spiral', which can denote a kind of flatworm.
Cf. bˈu [Kratochvíl 2007: 456], [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 40, 252], glossed as 'worm', Indonesian 'ulat kayu', i.e. 'tree worm'.
Cf. kirˈeŋ kilˈay 'flatworm' [Kratochvíl 2007: 470], [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 70], the meaning of the elements is unclear, see notes on Abui Atimelang glin glay 'worm'.
\1:Atimelang Abui\2:Атимеланг Абуи #:glin glay2
DuBois 1938/1987: 93 (#891). Represents the same term as Abui Takalelang kirˈeŋ kilˈay 'flatworm' (the meaning of the elements is unclear). If genuine Abui, DuBois' glin glay is a heavy corrupted form, since neither g nor an initial consonant cluster may occur in proper Abui words. On the other hand, glin glay can be a recent loanword, in this case Takalelang kirˈeŋ kilˈay is the result of adaptation of foreign phonetics. The source of borrowing is, however, unclear (cf. Dutch kronkelig 'twisting, winding, bendy, worming').